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Luis Moreno 《West European politics》2013,36(3):631-632
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Jean‐Marc Pennetier 《Intelligence & National Security》2013,28(4):780-798
Dominique Prieur (avec Jean‐Marie Pontaut), Agent secrète (Paris: Fayard 1995). Pp.248. Ff110. ISBN 2–213–59277–2. Paul Paillote (entretiens avec Alain‐Gilles Minella), L'homme des services secrets (Paris: Julliard 1995). Pp.323. Ff129. ISBN 2–260–01341–4. Claude Silberzahn (avec Jean Guisnel), Au coeur du secret, 1.500 jours aux commandes de la DGSE. 1989–1993 (Paris: Fayard 1995). Pp.330. Ff120. ISBN 22–13–59311–6. 相似文献
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Guillaume Sainteny 《West European politics》2013,36(4):110-129
Existing political parties are often slow to react to new social issues, paying little attention to questions which are not directly political. They have also firm basic strategies for dealing with ‘intruders’ who wish to mobilise on such issues. The French Communist Party has successively and sometimes simultaneously resorted to four strategies. The results, however, are far from satisfactory. 相似文献
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MARTIN HARRISON 《Political studies》1990,38(4):603-619
Embodying a revolution in French constitutional law. in principle, the Constitutional Council initially seemed destined for a marginal role. However, a 1971 decision constitutionalizing the Preamble to the constitution and the 1974 revision extending access to 60 parliamentarians transformed its prospects. Initially devised to keep Parliament in its place, it is now a force to be reckoned with at every stage in the policy process but its constraints are felt mainly by the executive. Its jurisprudence displays a blend of audacity and prudence. combining ambitious developments in respect of human rights and national independence with cautious awareness of its vulnerability as a recent creation arbitrating controversial issues within a system traditionally antipathetic to 'government by the judges'. 相似文献
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A. H. G. M. Spithoven 《Economy and Society》2013,42(3):333-368
The Third Way in the Netherlands rests upon the institutionalized co-operation between the trade unions, the employers' organizations and the state. During the period of high unemployment in the 1980s this co-operation led to several agreements to moderate wage costs and to reduce statutory working hours with the object of reducing unemployment. In the 1990s,when labour became scarce, new measures were agreed upon to increase participation in the labour market and to boost productivity. Critics of the agreements suggest that the policies adopted by the socio-economic partners in the 1980s, particularly the moderation of wages and the reduction of work time to create more jobs, have a negative effect on the long-term prospects of attaining higher productivity. 相似文献
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The French presidential election of 1981 saw a collapse of the Communist vote to 15 per cent (its 1936 score) on the first ballot and partly thanks to that decline, the election of the Socialist candidate, François Mitterrand, on the second round. President Giscard lost support because of economic difficulties and because he was unable to sustain the cohesion of his own coalition. The Left thus won the presidency for the first time in the Fifth Republic; but in order to rule effectively, the chief of state needs a majority in the National Assembly. Mitterrand thus dissolved the Assembly and called elections, which the Socialists won, again for the first time since 1958. 相似文献
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Dominique Lorrain 《West European politics》2013,36(2):77-92
This article explores the nature of the French model of urban services and more especially its distinguishing features relative to other European countries. The article attempts to answer the basic questions: with such a fragmented communal system how and why has an effective system of service delivery emerged? The answer lies in examining the complex and flexible relationships which exist between the various actors involved ‐ relationships which emerged essentially in the nineteenth century. 相似文献
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Ella Searls 《West European politics》2013,36(2):161-176
Ministerial cabinets are small informal groups of personal advisers attached to each Minister. Originally a political body they have in the Fifth Republic become a pivot in the politico‐administrative system. To a large extent the role of cabinets can be understood by analysing their environment—that is the needs of the Minister to whom they are responsible, the central administration and the nature of the cabinet itself. These three variables form a useful framework within which the activities of cabinets can be assessed. 1 相似文献
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Alec Stone 《West European politics》2013,36(3):29-49
Judges on France's ordinary and administrative courts make law and policy by interpreting and applying statutes, but the Constitutional Council is overtly involved in policy‐making. The Council serves as a type of ‘third’ chamber of the French parliament, where it may annul unconstitutional legislation, ‘constitu‐tionalise’ various legal principles, and sometimes even prescribe the precise terms of legislation. This ‘court‐like’ body, thus, plays a significant and growing role in French policy‐making. 相似文献
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Paul Rabinow 《Economy and Society》2013,42(2-3):193-201
This paper considers the relations of truth, life and norm in the work of Georges Canguilhem and Michel Foucault argued that in France it was in the philosophy of science that one finds the clearest formulations of the problems of rationality and the sovereignty of reason. This distintive confrontation can be termed French Modern. For Canguilhem, an ontological and existential pathos arose from the fact that living beings were fated to struggle in the face of circumstances. For Foucault, this ontology became historical and political. For both, the key question was the relationship between life itself and the understanding of life. The paper concludes by reflecting upon some implications of the ways in which the relation between life and lived experience is posed today. 相似文献
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Doh Joon-Chien 《公共行政管理与发展》1981,1(4):291-305
Programme and performance budgeting (PPB) was first introduced in Malaysia in 1969 and experience with operating and developing the system carries lessons for other countries. The initial introduction under the influence of external advisers, involved treating PPB as a mechanical exercise in which right procedures had to be followed. From 1972 the strategy changed to making the system serve to assist with utilizing and managing resources more efficiently in relation to programme objectives. The successful development of the system agency by agency points first to the importance of local rather than foreign expertise; second, to the need for the agency head to be committed and involved, rather than leave the introduction and management of the system to lower level experts; and third to the significance of the leadership role of the Treasury. 相似文献
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Isaac Aviv 《West European politics》2013,36(2):178-197
Despite its constant preaching for collaboration with the socialists, the PCF has failed to pursue this line either during the events of 1968 or during the electoral campaign of 1977/78. This resulted in electoral defeats for both parties, in mutual recriminations and in internal crises. Unlike the PS, the PCF has always succeeded in overcoming its recurrent crises. This stability is due, in our opinion, to the enduring support the communists enjoy among the working class and other groups in French society, whose socio‐economic marginality and problems of identity are reflected in the PCF's ambiguous attitude to France's political system. 相似文献
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