探索学生党员带头机制 创“三个一”品牌工程

在我党带领全国各族人民全面实现建成小康社会的关键时期,我国的高等院校能否适时对在校大学生开展先进性教育活动,时刻为党输入新鲜血液,为社会主义事业输送合格建设人才,关系到我国社会主义现代化建设事业的成败。学生党员作为学生中的中坚分子,是一个具有普通学生和共产党员两重身份的特殊群体,在学生党员中开展创先争优活动,必然要与高校的学风建设紧密结合。学生党员在学风建设中创"三个一"品牌工程,要求学生党员同时发挥作为学生的主体性作用以及作为党员的先进性作用,为推进高校学风建设提供新契机、增添新活力。开展党员先进性教育必须以先进思想为着力点,立足党建工作现状,开展先进性教育活动,充分发挥学生党员的先锋模范带头作用。     

高校学生党员先进性教育的现状及对策研究——以沈阳某高校为例

本文以沈阳某高校学生为样本进行抽样调查,了解学生党员先进性教育中对学生党员的评价、入党动机、入党前后情况变化以及目前学生党员先进性教育存在的问题,进而提出要加强理想信念教育,保障学生党员思想上的先进性;丰富先进性教育的学习内容,强化教育活动的吸引力;以新媒体为载体,创新学生党员先进性教育的活动形式;加强对学生党员的规范化管理,提升学生党员的综合素质。     

高校学生党员持续教育的需求现状及对策分析

高校学生党建工作需要充分了解学生的需求。大学生思想活动呈现多元化,只有把握不同类型、不同层次学生党员的特点,才能帮助其加强理论学习,提高学生党员的思想道德素质。通过问卷调查和访谈法,了解学生党员对保持自身先进性教育的需求,为建立高校学生党员先进性教育的长效机制提供建议。     

发挥大学生党员先进性与模范作用的思考

高校中的大学生党员队伍是大学生的骨干力量,是中国共产党的新生力量。发挥大学生党员先进性与模范作用,是应对当代大学生思想状况变化的需要;是弥补高校学生党建工作存在的薄弱环节的需要。通过大学生党员先进性教育以及对他们的培养措施,把对学生党员的教育、管理与青年学生的思想政治教育联系在一起,探索出了基层党组织建设的新途径。     

新时期高职院校学生党员教育与管理工作的思路探索

相对于普通本专科高校,高职院校在培养模式、教学方法、学生生源等方面都存在一定的特殊性,因此,高职院校的学生党员教育与管理工作显得相对复杂,同时也存在着一定的困难。要做好高职院校学生教育与管理工作是一项长期而艰巨的任务;随着大学生党员人数的增多,加强学生党员的教育与管理工作显得十分迫切。结合高职院校的特点,文章对高职院校学生党员教育与管理工作的现状及特点进行了分析;并提出强化学生党员政治理论教育,加强学生党员综合素质培养,是保持学生党员先进性,促进大学生思想政治教育的有效途径。     

大学生党建工作和思想政治理论课教育有效结合的探讨

思想建设是党建核心,在大学生中发展党员,尤其要加强思想政治教育。高校思想政治理论课对提升学生党员思想素质和政治理论水平,保证学生党员质量,具有十分重要作用。必须努力实现学生党建工作和思想政治理论课教育的有效结合。     

大学生党员在中国梦教育中的作用及路径

中国梦宣传教育是当今高校思想政治教育的重要内容。大学生党员是高校学生群体的先进性代表,具有角色双重性、思想先进性、辐射影响性特质。这决定了学生党员在高校中国梦教育中发挥着独特作用:以双重角色,增强教育针对性;以人格魅力,彰显教育示范力量;以活动开展,扩宽教育途径。以上作用的充分实现,需要多方面共同建构条件。从学生党员角度而言,需从以下几点着手:增强自我教育意识,强化党性修养;提高学习自觉,突出先进性本质;严于律己,提升人格魅力;落实实践自觉,发挥先锋作用。     

夯实高校学生党员先进性的基础

对于高等院校来说，加强学生党员的先进性建设，其根本意义不仅在于使学生党员在校期间能够发挥先锋模范作用。更重要的是，要使他们走上工作岗位后在社会主义现代化建设的实践中能够发挥先锋模范作用。因此，深刻认识加强大学生党员先进性建设的重要性和必要性，明确大学生党员先进性建设的目标要求和工作方向，在实践中推进高校学生党员先进性建设，为学生党员永葆先进性奠定牢固的基础，意义重大。     

论人文素质教育在大学生党员先进性教育中的作用

如何做好大学生党员的先进性教育,是一个非常重要和具有很强实践性的问题,作者长期从事高校大学生基层党建工作,本文通过认真总结工作实践,创新工作思路,提出加强大学生党员的人文素质教育,夯实学生党员党性的文化和思想基础,从而促进大学生党员先进性教育的长效机制建设。     

新时期高职院校保持学生党员先进性教育工作研究

随着"创先争优"活动在全国各级党组织的开展,保持共产党员先进性建设也被赋予了新的内涵。从内、外因素分析了高职院校在保持学生党员先进性教育方面存在的问题,并从加强长效机制建设入手提出了在新时期保持学生党员先进性教育工作的具体思路。     

It Takes an Outsider: Extralegislative Organization and Partisanship in the California Assembly, 1849–2006

Why are American politicians “single‐minded seekers of reelection” in some decades and fierce ideological warriors in others? This article argues that the key to understanding the behavior of members inside a legislative chamber is to follow the actions of key figures outside the chamber. These outsiders—activists, interest groups, and party bosses—use their control over party nominations, conditioned on institutional rules, to ensure ideological behavior among officeholders. To understand how vital these outsiders are to legislative partisanship, this article takes advantage of a particular natural experiment: the state of California's experience with cross‐filing (1914–59), under which institutional rules prevented outsiders from influencing party nominations. Under cross‐filing, legislative partisanship collapsed, demonstrating that incumbents tend to prefer nonpartisanship or fake partisanship to actual ideological combat. Partisanship quickly returned once these outsiders could again dominate nominations. Several other historical examples reveal extralegislative actors exerting considerably greater influence over members' voting behavior than intralegislative party institutions did. These results suggest that candidates and legislators are the agents of activists and others who coordinate at the community level to control party nominations.     

加强独立学院大学生党员马克思主义信仰教育

青年历来都是中国共产党重视的后备培养力量,而青年学生又是其中的重点,民办高等教育的发展使得高校学生党建工作面临许多新情况和新问题。为此我们需要不断探索,加强高校学生党员马克思主义信仰教育,更好地为党培养后备力量。从某种意义说,大学生党员的信仰问题关乎我党未来的发展方向,因此建立健全大学生党员党性教育和党性锻炼的长效机制,加强马克思主义信仰教育,是新形势下民办高校发展党员的重要内容,具有重要的理论和现实意义。     

浅谈大学生党员发展工作中存在的若干问题

在大学校园中,大学生党员是大学生中一个较为活跃的群体,是大学生群体中的优秀代表,可以说大学生党员是当代大学生的榜样。能够成为一名大学生党员,是一种崇高的荣誉,同样是一份责任。但是,在发展大学生党员工作的过程中存在着不少问题。通过介绍、分析发展大学生党员工作流程中出现的问题,旨在引起各界对发展和完善大学生党员工作的思考。     

“90后”大学生素质教育工作探析

他们出生于20世纪90年代,被称为"90后"。他们在信息爆炸的网络时代成长,在各种思想文化互相激荡的环境中学习,他们的世界观、人生观、价值观具有与以往时代不同的特点。因此,新时期的大学生素质教育工作应当采取符合"90后"大学生思想、性格特征的教育方式。文章首先从三方面分析了"90后"大学生素质现状,经探索后,提出四点建议:第一,注重素质教育工作开展的协调性;第二,增强"90后"大学生的党性修养;第三,提高学生的人际交往能力;第四,强调思维互动,实现"教学相长"。     

Ideological constraint, political interest and gender: a Swedish-American comparison

Abstract. American and Swedish university and gymnasia students were examined in order to discover whether or not evidence could be found for higher levels of: a) ideological coherence, b) political interest, c) ideological variance, and d) strength of interface between political party preference and political self-concept on the one hand and socio-political attitudes on the other for Swedish citizens as compared to American citizens. The results confirmed the hypotheses in almost all cases and the results are discussed in terms of differences between the nations' political party environments.     

Income inequality,electoral systems and party polarisation

This study analyses why income inequality and party polarisation proceed together in some countries but not in others. By focusing on the relationship between income inequality, the permissiveness of electoral systems and party polarisation, the study offers a theoretical explanation for how the combination of income inequality and permissive electoral systems generates higher party polarisation. After analysing a cross‐national dataset of party polarisation, income inequality and electoral institutions covering 24 advanced democracies between 1960 and 2011, it is found that a simple correlation between income inequality and party polarisation is not strong. However, the empirical results indicate that greater income inequality under permissive electoral systems contributes to growing party polarisation, which suggests that parties only have diverging ideological platforms due to greater income inequality when electoral systems encourage their moves towards the extreme; parties do not diverge when electoral systems discourage their moves towards the extreme.     

Electoral infidelity: Why party members cast defecting votes

Party politics and electoral research generally assume that party members are loyal voters. This article first assesses the empirical basis for this assumption before providing individual‐level explanations for defection. It combines prominent theories from party politics and electoral behaviour research and argues that internal disagreement and external pressure can each bring about disloyal voting. The hypotheses are motivated with multi‐country European survey data and tested on two sets of party‐level national surveys. The results show, first, that, on average, 8 per cent of European party members cast a defecting vote in the last election, and second, that dissatisfaction with the leadership is the strongest predictor of defection. Additionally, internal ideological disagreement is associated with higher probabilities of defection, whereas the effects of pull factors in the form of contentious policies are rather limited. These findings emphasise the importance of testing scientific assumptions and the potential significance of party leadership contests.     

Intra-Party Democracy and Party Responsiveness

This study examines whether parties respond to their supporters or to the median voter position. Party leaders require the support of the ‘selectorate’, which is defined as the group that has influence in party leadership selection. Inclusive parties, which rely on rank-and-file membership to select their leaders, will respond to their members. Exclusive parties, which rely on office-seeking members for leadership selection, will respond to the median voter position. Thus, intra-party institutions that (dis)enfranchise party members are crucial for understanding whether a party responds to their supporters (or to the median voter position). Using data from 1975–2003 for six West European countries, this article reports findings that inclusive parties respond to the mean party supporter position. While there is evidence that exclusive parties respond to the median voter position in two-party systems, this finding does not extend to multiparty systems. This study has implications for the understanding of intra-party institutions and political representation.     

The Electoral Costs of Party Loyalty in Congress

To what extent is party loyalty a liability for incumbent legislators? Past research on legislative voting and elections suggests that voters punish members who are ideologically “out of step” with their districts. In seeking to move beyond the emphasis in the literature on the effects of ideological extremity on legislative vote share, we examine how partisan loyalty can adversely affect legislators' electoral fortunes. Specifically, we estimate the effects of each legislator's party unity—the tendency of a member to vote with his or her party on salient issues that divide the two major parties—on vote margin when running for reelection. Our results suggest that party loyalty on divisive votes can indeed be a liability for incumbent House members. In fact, we find that voters are not punishing elected representatives for being too ideological; they are punishing them for being too partisan.     

Party Sub-Brands and American Party Factions

Scholars and pundits have long noted the dominance of the American two-party system, but we know relatively little about new, endogenous institutions that have emerged within the two major parties. I argue that ideological factions provide party sub-brands, which allow legislators to more precisely define their partisan type and capture faction-specific resources. To support this claim, I analyze new data on nine ideological factions in the House of Representatives (1995–2018). I find that (1) faction voting is distinct, suggesting a product ripe for party sub-branding, and (2) joining a faction changes the ideological composition of a candidate's donor base—conditional on the strength of the faction's institutions. Party sub-branding is effective only when factions possess organizational features that induce coordinated and disciplined position taking (e.g., whips, PACs, membership restrictions). These results suggest that, even within highly polarized parties, American political ideology is more than a dichotomous choice, and factions target niche markets of political donors as a means of blunting financial instruments of party power.