Driver's Licenses for All? Racialized Illegality and the Implementation of Progressive Immigration Policy in California

Progressive subfederal immigration policy aims to reduce the consequences of illegality for undocumented immigrants. Drawing on interviews with representatives from immigrant‐serving organizations in California, we examine the case of Assembly Bill (A.B.) 60 driver's licenses to assess whether all Californian undocumented immigrants have equal access to a driver's license. Although A.B. 60 was race‐neutral legislation, we argue that its implementation was shaped by racialized migration histories and that it reproduces racialized illegality. Specifically, the deep history of undocumented Mexican migration to California has shaped the institutional capacity of nonprofit and community organizations, foreign consulates, and the Department of Motor Vehicles to advocate for, implement, and serve A.B. 60 applicants. As a result, Spanish‐speaking, Latina/o/x immigrants, particularly those of Mexican origin, experience greater access to A.B. 60 driver's licenses. To combat this, organizations actively worked to reracialize illegality as an issue that also affects non‐Latino populations. Ultimately, we demonstrate that the construction and experience of illegality are deeply tied to race and place.     

Cut from the Same Cloth? A Comparative Study of Domestic Extremists and Gang Members in the United States

Despite calls for research on the similarities and differences between violent extremist groups and criminal street gangs, there have been few empirical comparisons. We develop a comparative model that emphasizes explicit, spurious, and indirect linkages between the two groups and use national sources of data on domestic extremists and gang members—the Profiles of Individual Radicalization in the United States (PIRUS) and the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 (NLSY97)—to compare them across group involvement, demographic, family, religion, and socioeconomic status characteristics. Six percent of domestic extremists in PIRUS have a history of gang ties, which constitutes a minimal proportion of domestic extremists and is likely the rare exception among the population of gang members. Gang extremists more closely resemble non-gang extremists in PIRUS than they do gang members in the NLSY97. While these groups have some similarities, one of the major differences is that gang members are younger than domestic extremists. This likely contributes to many of the other differences between the groups across the life course, including marriage, parenthood, unemployment, and education. Given that the evidence is most consistent with the independence model, further comparative testing is needed before generalizing gang-related policies and programs to domestic extremism.     

FDA approved? A critique of the artificial insemination industry in the United States

Artificial insemination by donor is becoming an increasingly popular means to achieving parenthood. While the majority of couples use artificial insemination to overcome fertility problems, many recipients use artificial insemination to avoid passing a genetic disease to their children. However, case studies reveal the inherent dangers of artificial insemination, namely the lack of proper screening methods to avoid passing genetic diseases to children born by artificial insemination. State-by-state regulation, federal guidelines, and private adjudication have all proven to be inadequate methods of regulating the artificial insemination industry. Ginsberg proposes federal regulation as the only means of achieving a safe artificial insemination industry. The proposed federal regulation would include better genetic screening, a more efficient national sperm donor system, and limited disclosure to recipients of artificial insemination and their children. These measures would help to ensure that couples using artificial insemination get what they expect--healthy sperm, a safe artificial insemination process, and ultimately, a healthy child.     

How Does the Criminal Justice System Operate from an Empirical Point of View? An Analysis of the Netherlands Case

This study analyzes how the Dutch criminal justice system works from an abstract and a practical perspective. Using data collected through quantitative (police and prosecution databases) and qualitative (interviewing of key participants familiar with the databases and observation of some ongoing trials) procedures, it identifies the main features of this system as well as the main problems that researchers might have when working with data recorded by the police and the prosecution service. This is a methodological paper that intends to contribute with the data analysis research in this field.     

A review of telecom markets in the EU: What did the European Commission learn or not from the past?

The EU telecom regulation relies on a market-by-market sunset approach. In order to facilitate the market review of national regulatory authorities, the European Commission has offered two successive sets of recommended markets susceptible to ex ante regulation. The inclusion or exclusion of a recommended telecom market is analyzed on its competition conditions across the EU. Beginning in 2014 the European Commission published the draft third Market Recommendation. This article aims to give a critical evaluation of those recommended markets by surveying the competition situations on every telecom market in the EU Member States. It observes that while the drafted Third Recommendation makes a reasonable assessment for most telecom markets, it may not have appropriately addressed markets such as retail fixed access, wholesale call origination, wholesale fixed and mobile call termination, wholesale high-quality access, and wholesale broadcasting transmission.     

Catalyst or Cause? Legislation and the Demise of Machine Politics in Britain and the United States

In the nineteenth century, British and American parties competed by hiring electoral agents to bribe and treat voters. British parties abruptly abandoned this practice in the 1880s. The conventional explanation is that legislation put an end to agent‐mediated distribution. But this explanation leaves many questions unanswered. Why did the parties use agents for decades, even though they imposed great expense on candidates and were viewed as untrustworthy? And why, after decades of half‐hearted reforms, did the House of Commons pass effective antibribery reforms only in 1883? In our formal model, parties hire agents to solve information problems, but agent‐mediated distribution can be collectively suboptimal. Legislation can serve as a credibility device for shifting to less costly strategies.     

Inside or outside control of banks? Evidence from the composition of supervisory boards

This paper examines the composition of supervisory boards of 41 large German banks in 1999–2010. We find that the supervisory board structure reflects both outside control by major shareholders and inside control by other stakeholders. The largest group among non-employee board members is made up of bank managers. The high proportion of former executives and German board representation indicates significant inside control. The chairpersons of banks controlled by banks are less likely to be former executives of the same bank than are the chairpersons of banks controlled by non-banks. Over time, representation of industrial and insurance companies on banks’ supervisory boards has decreased and the representation of banks and foreign shareholders has increased.     

Many Duties of Care--Or A Duty of Care? Notes from the Underground

In the course of attacking the idea that the concept of theduty of care can be dispensed with and replaced by a view ofnegligence that deals only with fault and causation, criticshave revived the notion that there are many duties of care.This article argues that the idea of many duties of care isunworkable, but that there is no need to revive such an ideato avoid falling into the view that the whole concept of theduty of care can be discarded. It argues instead for a unifiedview of the duty of care as a single duty. It also argues fora new analysis of negligence, facilitated by the one-duty view,which does see fault as central to negligence but which, insteadof discarding duty, sees arguments about duty as about whetherthe defendant should be permitted to act unreasonably. The articledefends the one-duty view and the new analysis of negligenceagainst the relational view of negligence and against chargesthat it is motivated by a desire for unity between English andFrench law, that it would be incompatible with the conventionaleconomic analysis of tort law (in the course of which it suggestsan economic analysis of the duty of care), and that, unlikethe no-duty view or the many-duties view, it fails to articulatea coherent view of the relationship between freedom and community.     

Connecting or Compartmentalizing the WTO and United States Legal Systems? The Role of the Charming Betsy Canon

Litigants before the US courts have frequently attempted toimprove their legal position by relying on the Charming Betsycanon of statutory interpretation under which statutes whichcan be interpreted consistently with international obligationsshould be so interpreted. The argument has effectively beenthat the canon should be permitted to provide the interfacebetween the World Trade Organization Agreements as interpretedby the World Trade Organization tribunals, and national statutesas interpreted by US executive agencies. The ease with whichthe canon can be stated belies the complexity and controversynow associated with its application. Some of the cases are arguablyirreconcilable while academic opinion is similarly polarizedby concerns about both the extent of judicial deference to agencyinterpretations, and about the slightest possibility of a moreinquisitive approach. This article discusses how the canon hasbeen applied and should be applied in domestic cases with aWorld Trade Organization dimension. A re-conceptualization ofthe canon's role in cases of this type is suggested.     

The European Community and the Member States in the Dispute Settlement Understanding of the WTO: United or Divided?

Opinion 1/94 of the European Court of Justice determined the competence of the European Community and the Member States to conclude and implement WTO Agreements. Whilst the European Community enjoys exclusive competence to implement the Multilateral Agreements on Trade in Goods, it shares joint competence with the Member States in respect of the General Agreement on Trade in Services and the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights. However, the Court’s recognition of a division of competences between the Community and the Member States in WTO agreements has given rise to many fears that such a division would greatly complicate Community and Member State participation in WTO Agreements, would create many problems for them in doing so and, as a result, would greatly impede their successful participation in the WTO. Given the benefit of a number of years’ experience in the WTO, this paper focuses on the Dispute Settlement Understanding (DSU) of the WTO and addresses the extent to which the division of competences between the Community and the Member States has affected their participation in the DSU. Primarily, it aims to examine the extent to which the provisions of the DSU affect Community and Member State participation in dispute settlement within the WTO. It then analyses the duty of co-operation imposed on the Community and on Member States by the Court of Justice in Opinion 1/94 in the implementation of the WTO Agreements and the degree to which this duty influences their pursuit of dispute settlement. Finally, the paper examines the manner in which Community and Member State dispute settlement proceedings have evolved in practice, the extent to which the division of powers has penetrated dispute settlement proceedings and the manner in which the Community, the Member States and other WTO members have addressed it. In essence, the paper attempts both to highlight some of the more obvious consequences and effects that the internal division of powers between the Community and the Member States has for their participation in the DSU and to suggest some ways in which these consequences may be manipulated for their mutual and successful settlement of disputes.     

Does racism affect health? Evidence from the United States and the United Kingdom

Blacks have worse overall health than whites in both the United States and the United Kingdom. However, the relative difference in health between the two groups within each cultural context differs between each context. In this article, we attempt to glean insights into these health disparities. We do so by first examining what is currently known about differences in morbidity and mortality for blacks and whites in the United States and the United Kingdom. We then turn to medical examination data by race and country of birth in an attempt to further untangle the complex interplay of socioeconomic status (SES), race, and racism as determinants of health in the United States and the United Kingdom. We find that (1) longer exposure of blacks to the recipient country is a risk for mortality in the United States but not in the United Kingdom; (2) adjustment for SES matters a good deal for mortality in the United States, but less so in the United Kingdom; (3) morbidity indicators do not paint a clear picture of black disadvantage relative to whites in either context; and (4) were one to consider medical examination data alone, differences between the two groups exist only in the United States. Taken together, we conclude that it is possible that the "less racist" United Kingdom provides a healthier environment for blacks than the United States. However, there remain many mysteries that escape simple explanation. Our findings raise more questions than they answer, and the health risks and health status of blacks in the United States are much more complex than previously thought.     

Reclaiming freedom of the press: A Hutchins Commission dream or nightmare?

This article explores how and why the Hutchins Commission's vision of a responsible press and an informed citizenry did not, and does not, realistically meet either the needs of the media industries or the public. Although it was the commission's goal to create a healthier society, the new technologies of communication present old and new problems—problems that cannot be negotiated by the commission's well‐meaning but idealistic notions of press responsibility. The Internet demonstrates the old dilemma of elite access and concentrated ownership and a new dilemma of utility characterized by isolated users whose communication can be argued only superficially as socially healthy. Perhaps a more innovative and structurally significant approach, beyond the rhetoric of “press‐responsibility,” is needed to create physical access to media that can achieve the kind of “publicness” the Hutchins Commission envisioned.     

The Professional Model of Law vs. The Business Model of Law: A Critical View of Opposing Trends in the United States of America and the People��s Republic of China

This study begins by reflecting on the literature characterizing the nature and function of a profession qua profession. It continues by arguing that based upon commonly used indicia of a profession that the practice of law in the US is de-professionalizing in significant ways and morphing towards a functioning business model. The related advantages of such a development for American society, its lawyers and their clients, including especially criminal defendants are critically discussed. It then traces the emergence and ascendancy of the rule of law in China and corresponding quest to institutionalize the practice of law in China as a profession. The study concludes by exploring the alternative advantages of applying the business model to Chinese legal practice. It recommends that embracing a paradigm shift away from the professional model towards a business model, comparable to what is happening in the US, would be to the greater advantage of Chinese lawyers in terms of enhanced authority, increased self-regulation, as well as providing greater leverage in advocating client interests.     

A review of the CDM literature: from fine-tuning to critical scrutiny?

As negotiations on the post-2012 climate regime are now taking off, it is time to look back and assess the experiences of the clean development mechanism (CDM) to this date. The CDM has been subject to extensive discussion in academic literature during the last few years, and this article reviews that literature in order to sum up its main themes. A common assessment is that the current structure of the CDM leads to a focus on cheap emissions reductions at the expense of sustainable development benefits for the host countries. Recently, the questionable additionality of many CDM projects has become a central issue. The article further argues that whereas a substantial body of work exists on the CDM, this work is mainly preoccupied with a ‘fine-tuning’ of the mechanism. As the CDM now becomes increasingly institutionalized, scholars should also take a step back and study the CDM in a more theoretically oriented way.