Old and New Politics in Denmark

A New Politics dimension of non-economic issue preferences emerged in Denmark during the 1980s. The new dimension is clearly separated from the traditional economic Old Politics dimension, though the two are correlated. The New Politics dimension has not given rise to viable new parties but is represented by three medium-sized parties: the Sodalist People's and Radical Liberal parties constitute the New Left, and the Progressive Party constitutes the New Right. The three old class parties contribute little towards explaining the individual variance in the position of New Politics; as always, the Social Democratic Party represents the Old Left while the Liberal and Conservative parties represent the Old Right. In terms of social positions, New Left attitudes are correlated especially with level of school education and with employment in the reproductive sectors.     

知识经济理论的创新

从全球的视野来看，随着当代科学技术革命和知识创新的迅猛发展，日益成长的知识经济，将带来一些什么样重大的甚至革命性的影响，以及诸多方面的理论突破与现念创新，在目前条件下还远非估量得清楚。当前知识经济理论研究在价值论、资本论、管理论、分配论等诸多方面的一些趋势性的创新研究，已经初见端倪，引起人们的关注。     

New Institutionalism and Minority Protection in the National Legislatures of Finland and Denmark

The individual camps within the new institutionalist paradigm generally argue that every political actor operates within a specific framework of opportunities and that the physical environment in which bargaining takes place is very important to understanding political outcomes. This article uses three of the new institutionalisms to answer two important questions concerning minority‐protecting institutions in the national constitutions of Denmark (Article 42) and Finland (Section 66). First, why were such institutions developed? Second, why were these institutions ultimately removed in Finland, but not in Denmark? For both countries, it is argued in this article that historical and discursive institutionalism are useful for understanding why such protections were originally considered necessary by particular political groups in society: the rise of socialism during the late twentieth and early twenty‐first centuries compelled non‐reformist parties to push strongly for constitutional change that would legalize powerful procedural tools that could delay and potentially reverse policy decisions passed in parliament. However, the article invokes rational choice institutionalism to explain why the outcomes in terms of the use of such institutions differed over time in the two countries: differences concerning the scope and timing of the relevant procedures compelled opposition parties to utilize them differently. As a result, the legislative process was often stalemated in Finland (and the procedures were subsequently removed in 1992), while in Denmark, the procedures contributed to a parliamentary culture based on consensus and pre‐legislative bargaining and hence, still remain.     

知识经济与教育新观念

知识经济的发展与其说是取决于知识的进步不如说是取决于教育的发展。教育是知识经济发展的内在支撑因素。在知识经济中 ,运用知识的能力已逐渐成为制约经济发展的所有因素中最具决定意义的因素 ,知识已成为最重要的生产力。教育要培养具有创新意识和能力的新型人才。     

The Divergent Worlds of New Media: How Policy Shapes Work in the Creative Economy1

“New media” workers have joined the creative economy as digital designers, web page designers, and producers of entertainment products. Like many creative commodity producers, their work lies at the intersection of the technical (in this case code writing) and the expressive (through design). It reflects the tensions inherent in this intersection and the conflicts common to many creative workers who produce commodities but whose work also reflects some element of personal expression or authorship. The ways in which these tensions are resolved is central to the formation of new occupational and professional identities. Cultural economy perspectives offer us insights into the subjective experience of the tensions associated with creative work. They become more powerful, however, when combined with an understanding of the policy context in which new media has evolved. Drawing on both cultural economy and policy analysis approaches, I argue that while new media work emerged in conjunction with new technologies and reflects the tensions between technical applications and design, it also is a product of changes in broader regulatory frameworks that have shaped the work-world of new media. The “regulatory difference” has produced considerable variation in the occupational identities of new media workers among advanced economies. In some economies, new media work is evolving in a form that is closer to that of the professional, whereas in the United States it is better described as an entrepreneurial activity in which new media workers sell skills and services in a market. To make this argument I examine findings from the growing body of international work on new media but focus on the particularities of the United States case. What this evidence indicates is that the character of new media occupations is defined as much by the policy context within which it emerges as by the technology it uses.     

低碳经济——新的财富之源

低碳经济在全球蓬勃发展,正在创造出新的产业、新的增长点.文章采集全球最新的资料数据,展示了低碳经济在产业建设、战略投资、产值就业、新能源开发和碳金融市场等方面的发展情况与趋势.     

Strategies of mainstream parties towards their right-wing populist challengers: Denmark,Norway, Sweden and Finland in comparison

Although right-wing populist parties (RPPs) have established themselves in most European countries, the academic discourse on political strategies towards them has been slow to start. This article compares the strategic reactions of the mainstream parties in the Nordic countries. The main findings are threefold: (1) in Denmark, Norway and Finland there has been a gradual change from various disengage to engage strategies over time, while in Sweden there has always been a strong cordon sanitaire; (2) one key difference has been in the speed and extent of the strategy changes; and (3) the choice of strategies, which is a very complex process, can be traced back to a combination of factors at the individual, party and systemic levels. There is a need for more research into the impacts and effectiveness of the strategies, the timing of the choice of strategies and the potential learning effects of political parties.     

创新管理机制构建和谐校园

党的十六届四中全会提出"构建社会主义和谐社会"的执政理念,公安高等院校的学生管理教育工作也必须着眼时代要求,紧密联系工作实际,创新管理机制,增强法治意识,注重人文关怀,维护好学生的正当权益,充分发挥学生的积极性和主动性,开创和谐的学生管理教育工作新局面,为构建社会主义和谐社会做出应有的贡献.     

构建高质量发展阶段的人才发展治理体系：新需求与新思路

新时期以来,我国人才发展治理经历了管理式治理、整体性治理、协调式治理等三个主要阶段,不同阶段有着不同的治理背景、治理特征、治理方式、治理成效。面向高质量发展,提升我国人才发展治理水平需要解决一些相关问题,以满足新的战略需求。调研发现,专业组织发挥作用不足,人才工作与产业发展之间存在一定间隔,政府、社会、市场没有形成人才推动合力,市场配置人才的决定性作用发挥不足等问题还比较突出。因此,构建高质量人才发展治理体系的战略需求在于围绕形成人才引领发展整体布局,充分发挥市场配置人才资源的决定性作用,优化政府、市场、社会的角色作用,着力解决我国人才发展不平衡不充分的问题,人才资源发展和高质量发展之间的协同性偏差问题,进一步激励释放人才发展活力。为此,构建新时代高质量人才发展治理新体系的基本思路是:强化党管人才的战略协同和议程协同能力;围绕更好地发挥政府作用调整、优化政府人才工作职能;推动建立基于"职业分类"的专业人才分类治理体系框架;推动地方打造各县治理特色的创新创业生态系统。     

From Old Labour to New Labour: A Comment on Rubinstein

In a critique of our book New Labour, David Rubinstein has argued that we exaggerate the degree of difference between Old and New Labour and underplay the similarities. In this article we agree with many of the continuities that Rubinstein outlines. However, we argue that he himself gives plenty of evidence in favour of our thesis that change has been marked in many policy areas. We argue that we give a good account of the wider social factors that he says accounts for such change. In this article we offer a restatement of the view that New Labour offers a 'post-Thatcherite' politics. New Labour breaks both with post-war social democracy and with Thatcherism.     

Decentralization in Cambodia: New Wine in Old Bottles

The usual arguments for decentralization by its advocates are that it can achieve accountability, transparency, participation and democracy. In reaching these goals, however, proponents of decentralization reform have articulated concerns about whether government officials have sufficient capacity to implement decentralization policies, particularly at local level. This article asserts that in Cambodia, where decentralization has unfolded gradually since its adoption some 15 years ago, lack of capacity is not the main problem. Decentralization is designed and implemented as part of the ruling political party's strategy to strengthen its grip at the sub‐national level rather than as an exercise for improving accountability and democracy. Although decentralization is unlikely to lead to democratic gains, it does provide an opportunity for the rejuvenation of a patronage‐based party in ways that could increase state capacity and improve development outcomes. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

网络经济与企业管理新探

网络经济作为一种全新的经济形态 ,正在深刻地影响着世界经济的进程。网络经济的发展使企业管理面临着一场前所未有的挑战 ,它要求企业管理理念、企业组织结构和企业管理方式的深刻变革。我国广大企业要适应新经济在未来给企业管理带来的新变革 ,按照新经济发展的需要及时调整企业管理方略 ,根据新的企业生存原则创新企业的生存机制。     

Power and Democracy in Denmark: Still a Viable Democracy

In its final report, the Danish Democracy and Power Study (1998–2004) pointed to a number of serious democratic problems such as declining political party membership, a growing gap between a competent and resourceful majority and a marginalised minority, the growing influence of the media, the transfer of power from the political to the judicial system, and the democratic deficit associated with European Union membership. However, the report also concluded that overall democratic development in the last 30–40 years has been surprisingly positive. This article assesses the development of democracy in Denmark in relation to the parliamentary chain of governance: the standard used in the final report of the majority of the Norwegian power study group. The conclusion is that, in the case of Denmark, democratic development has not – as the parliamentary committee initially expected – resulted in a systematic weakening of the parliamentary chain of governance.     

New Citizens and Old Politics in Peru

The article presents an analysis of the disjunction between civil and political society in Perú and its consequences in the collapse of the political parties and the rise of an authoritarian regime. It explains how citizenship developed as social rights in the realm of Peruvian civil society before the population gained access to full civil and political rights. This situation diminished the capacity of Peruvian citizens to have their own political representation and created a distance between Peru's civil and political societies, making it difficult for the population to hold politicians accountable for their actions in government and the opposition. This situation proved particularly serious when the country went through a period of deep economic crisis and extended political violence during the 1980s. The breach between civil and political society destroyed the prestige of politicians and democracy, paving the way for an authoritarian cuadillo who dismissed representation with promises of "direct communication with the people" and harsh solutions to the problems of economic crisis and political violence.