新时代全面从严治党的深远意义探析

党的十八大以来习近平总书记治国理政最鲜明的特色就是全面从严治党,这不仅是对马克思主义政党从严治党的优良传统的继承和创新发展;而且是立足实践,对长期党建工作经验的深刻总结,具有丰富的时代内涵和个人特色;也是直面现实,解决党内问题的现实诉求;更是巩固我们党执政地位,实现执政使命的必然选择。     

全面治理:习近平新时代治国理政的理论新命题

党的十八届三中全会直面中国特色社会主义的现实治理困境,提出全面治理的理论命题。全面治理理论,是对单面治理理论的扬弃,主张公权力"代位执掌者"的治理主体"治他"与"自治"的有机结合。囿于我国政党治理与国家治理、政府治理的深度交叉性、包容性等特点,以公权力"代位执掌者"核心行动主体出现的中国共产党,在我国政治实践运行过程中,实际上起着核心治理作用。新时代党的全面治理实践,既要做好内政、外交与国防领域的"治他",也要做好"自治"。通过政党"自治",强化党的"领导"与"执政"能力建设,通过自我革命提升"抗病免疫功能",是一个郑重成熟的政党的重要标志。     

US–China Relations in the Contemporary Era: An International Political Economy Perspective

The subject of US–China relations has been examined from a number of perspectives but has rarely been exposed to a critical theory approach. This article argues that US–China relations must be understood at the structural/global level as well as in terms of the interaction of political actors. In this way a broader understanding of US hegemonic power and its relation to China can be developed. This also requires moving beyond viewing the relationship in bilateral terms and taking into account the role of ideas and institutions in the international political economy (IPE).     

发展知识经济要实现我国劳动者的三大转化

世界正在向知识经济时代迈进,一些先行进入知识经济的国家的劳动者已经出现了不同于以往任何时代的新特征,知识型劳动者成为了社会发展的中坚力量.从我国的情况来看,现有劳动者的实际状况远远不能满足社会发展的需要,因而实现由传统劳动者向新型劳动者的转化对于我国实施赶超战略至关重要.     

Governing strategically: the New Zealand experience

This article describes the evolution of New Zealand's approach to the strategic direction of its public service during a decade of reform. Problems of atomization and short-termism which emerged from the first phase of reform were addressed through the adaptation of the Cabinet and central agency processes for policy, budget and management. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Swedish Bureaucracy in an Era of Change

Swedish bureaucracy combines some structural peculiarities founded on constitutional traits from the 17^th century with a clear formal division of labor between the national and local levels from the late 19^th century. These structures have mainly remained unchanged during periods of strong expansion in the first post-WWII decades and preconditions for shrinking during the 1980s and 1990s. In this article, we highlight how these changes have put stress on the bureaucracy and the public sector in general, and how demands for reform and adapting have been managed and viewed by the administrative and political camps, respectively. Social, educational, and political changes among Swedish bureaucrats and their roles are presented and analyzed. The national bureaucracy has "muddled through" and has not been subjected to radical reforms. Its working is still approved—though by no means regarded as sacred—by its administrative agents and its political principals.     

新时代增强金融服务实体经济能力研究

党的十九大报告指出,"深化金融体制改革,增强金融服务实体经济能力",这为新时代中国特色社会主义市场经济的金融建设指明了方向。金融与实体经济相互促进、共生共荣。增强金融服务实体经济能力,提升金融支持实体经济效率和水平,是金融业发展的内在要求。新时代,金融支持实体经济发展面临机遇与挑战,挑战主要是金融改革滞后与实体经济融资导向之间矛盾、金融机构资金供给与实体经济融资需求之间矛盾、融资成本压缩与实体经济成本高企之间矛盾。要解决这些矛盾,一是要健全多层次资本市场,拓宽企业融资渠道;二是要深化金融体制改革,构建现代金融监管框架;三是要调整商业银行信贷结构,合理配置金融资源;四是要注重金融创新,积极开发新产品和新服务方式;五是要将制造强国建设作为金融服务实体经济重心。增强金融服务实体经济能力既是实现中国制造2025战略目标的金融要义,也是确保国家经济安全及国家产业安全的重要举措。     

And the Beat Goes On: Intergovernmental Mandates and Preemption in an Era of Deregulation

For state and local governments, the 101st Congress (1989–1990)compiled a mixed record of intergovernmental regulation andpreemption. Costly and intrusive mandates were enacted to combatair pollution, protect the rights of disabled persons, and providemedical assistance to the poor. At the same time, new restrictionswere defeated in legislation affecting oil-spill liability andchild care. This article reviews the issues and politics surroundingthese enactments, and places them within the broader contextof intergovernmental regulatory trends during the 1980s. Thepast decade was characterized by increasing regulatory burdensimposed on states and localities, punctuated by occasional examplesof regulatory relief and deferral.     

Governing China in the early 21st century: Provincial perspective

China is a country of provinces and provincial leaders are important players in Chinese politics. It is important to know who will be governing China’s provinces in the early 21^st century and how they are going to govern them. This paper will attempt to address three critical issues related to governance of China’s provinces. First, it will describe the new provincial leadership of the early 21^st century. It will identify significant changes in terms of personal characteristics of this new leadership compared to that of earlier years. Second, it will analyze political structural changes at the provincial level. It will look at the relationship among several important provincial institutions and identify significant historical changes. Third, it will assess public policy orientations of the new provincial leadership.     

新时代构建精准问责有效机制问题探究

新时代构建精准问责有效机制,是解决当前问责工作中存在问题的迫切需要,是实现纪检监察工作高质量发展的必然要求,也是破除形式主义、官僚主义的重要路径。当前党内问责中还存在许多亟待解决的问题,主要表现为问责主体缺位与越位错位并存,问责在不同领域、不同地区开展不均衡,问责对象和问责情形的泛化,不重视做好问责工作的“后半篇文章”等。党内问责出现的种种问题,与思想认识不清晰、责任边界不明确、配套机制不健全、工作程序不规范等有着密切关系。新时代构建精准问责有效机制,要坚持以思想建设为基础,构建各类主体齐抓共管的良性格局,规范问责工作的程序流程,完善问责工作的配套机制,进而推动问责工作实现标本兼治。     

Governing for the Mainstream: Implications for Community Representation

In this paper I begin by examining the role of extra-parliamentary institutions of representation within Australian democracy. I suggest that such institutions are an important supplement to majoritarian political institutions in ensuring that 'weak voices' are heard in the policy process. I then look at the impact of the Howard government on such extra parliamentary forms of community representation, drawing parallels with contemporaneous developments in Canada. I find that changes were in fact initiated under Labor governments, seeking to impose managerialist models on community-based representation. The further controls introduced by the Howard government have, however, seriously reduced the capacity of community-based peak bodies to represent their constituencies. These constraints create the danger of a less inclusive democracy, where the voices of those outside the mainstream can be ignored or misrepresented.     

Love is a Battlefield: Post-Political Control in an Era of Financial Crisis

This paper criticizes the ideology of deontological liberalism from the perspective of Marxist thought and employs the idea of temporality as an example of this critique. Deontological liberals like John Rawls argue that the liberal political order should be indifferent to ultimate ends. Consequently, Rawls constructs an "abstract" self that is defined apart from the concrete totality of a real human life. This paper argues, through Marx's essay "On the Jewish Question" that the liberal, bourgeois self is not "abstract" but exists in an instrumentalized society in which individuals treat themselves and others as means, not ends. Following this line of thought, the paper shows that the purportedly "abstract" or "empty" linear temporality of modern thought is actually commodified or instrumentalized time. The paper concludes with suggestions how "leisure" understood as non-instrumental or self-sufficient time could be an alternative to the commodified temporality of bourgeois culture.     

Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations in 1996: The End of an Era

On 30 September 1996 the U.S. Advisory Commission on IntergovernmentalRelations (ACIR) closed its doors, ending thirty-seven yearsof advocacy for federalism and intergovernmental relations.A majority of members in the Congress felt that A CIR had becomeirrelevant to the issues facing them and agreed that littlewould be lost by terminating the commission. The Clinton administration,although supportive until near the end, withdrew its'supportout of displeasure with the commission's handling of the unfundedfederal mandates issue. The national associations representingstate and local governments were ambivalent. ACIR was no longerlooked to for solutions to the nation's intergovernmental relationsproblems. With the exit of ACIR, the federal government's lastresource for addressing broad intergovernmental issues—beyondthe confines of individual programs—is gone.