“一带一路”倡议下中国与大加勒比地区的合作

中国与拉丁美洲关系源远流长,尤其是与加勒比国家。自1949年中华人民共和国成立以来,与大加勒比地区的政治、经济、文化关系日益密切。第一个与新中国建立外交关系的拉美国家是古巴,而巴拿马、萨尔瓦多与多米尼加则成为中国最新建交国成员。经过了70年发展历程,双边关系新纪元正在开启,特别是在“一带一路”倡议下。基于正在逐步兴起的“优势共享”理念,这个新时代亦开创了一个前所未有的新合作模式。中国与大加勒比地区关系发展所取得的经验能够展现一个新的协同合作方式。本文立足于大加勒比各经济体在同中国构建相互融合模式中发掘的机遇,并着眼于两个具体案例:“一带一路”倡议下的古巴和多米尼加,并以“双赢”原则为基础,对在特定领域深化同中国的关系提出建议,主要包括交通、电信、工业、贸易、能源、旅游、建筑业、金融、卫生和教育等领域。     

The Three Images of Sino-U.S. Relations

In the early 1950s, Kenneth W. Waltz＇s book Man, State and War laid the cornerstone for a new branch of international relations theory called the Level of Analysis. The author of this paper believes that Sino-U.S. relations can be studied in a similar multi-dimensional way. Among Waltz＇s three images, the world strategic structure, i.e. the international image, has been the most decisive factor in the development of Sino-U.S. relations over most of the past 40 years.     

试析中越关系中的美国因素

美国因素在中越关系中起着重要的作用。冷战结束以后，尤其是近些年来，越美关系发展迅速。两国在政治、经济和军事领域的合作，将不可避免地对中越关系造成影响。但是由于越美之间存在诸多矛盾和分歧，使得美国因素对中越关系的影响十分有限。对此，中国应积极应对，通过发展对越关系、对美关系和提升自身实力的方式，将美国因素对中越关系造成的不利影响降至最低点。     

Transforming Sino-U.S. Strategic Relations

Sino-U.S. strategic relations have undergone profound transformations over the past thirty years. It is increasingly urgent to change and transcend Sino-U.S. strategic relations. However, rapid adjustments and changes in world pattem prevent China and the U.S. from drawing a clear picture of each other＇s strategy. Vagueness in strategy awareness leads to difficult strategic adjustment, impacting virtuous interaction and stable development of Sino-U.S. strategic relations. The U.S., as relatively more important part in bilateral strategic relations, needs to take an initiative in substantial moves.     

Eight Myths about Sino-U.S. Relations

In recent years,copious amounts have been written on Sino-U.S.relations.However,there has been little in the way of critical examination of the ideas proposed.Commentators are eager to put forward their judgments,but they are lax in testing their veracity and very few people have bothered to critically assess their logic,reasoning processes and the reliability of the facts they put forward.This article attempts to reflect on some of the most popular judgments on Sino-U.S.relations in recent years and to provoke further discussion.     

中美关系60年的思考与展望

中美关系是新中国最重要的对外关系之一。中美关系60年来的跌宕起伏，给我们许多深刻的启示：利益交汇是中美关系发展的根本动力；从大局出发把握分歧，努力推进中美关系的平稳发展；中美和平共处的新型大国关系是中美关系的必然选择。未来，中美之间的竞争仍不可避免，但不会是两败俱伤的“零和”博弈，在全球化浪潮的推动下，在两国相互依存的大背景下，合作共赢符合两国的根本利益。     

U.S.-India Relations: The Way Forward

Both Washington and New Delhi share blame for the loss of momentum in bilateral relations. Unlike its predecessor, the Obama administration has not displayed much interest in high-profile cooperation, while the paralysis of the current Indian government has constrained its own capacity for engagement. Nonetheless, more progress has been made in the relationship in recent years than is generally appreciated. With the presidential election cycle beginning in the United States and India conducting an important round of state-level elections in early 2012, the best use of diplomatic resources in the short term is to focus on consolidating these promising trends. Yet once leaders on both sides are able to re-engage more fully, perhaps as soon as 2013, they should give priority attention to further deepening the partnership through a set of galvanizing initiatives that bolster the non-governmental links that are key in securing the growth of broad-based, resilient relations over the long term.     

The Zimbabwe Issue in Sino-U.S. Ties

The United States has criticized the domestic and foreign policies of the Mugabe regime, and has attempted to raise the Zimbabwe issue in the UN Security Council, thus creating a point of potential conflict in Sino-U.S. relations.China differs from the United States on this issue not because of the measures taken by the Western countries such as economic sanctions and political pressure, but,more significantly, because of the Western conception of democracy and human rights, and the difference between the U.S. and Chinese strategies in Africa. The policies of China and the United States on the Zimbabwe issue can be interpreted as a struggle between two powers in Africa. In the short term, however, it is the Middle East that will continue to preoccupy U.S. foreign policy, and Zimbabwe will not become a major flash point in Sino-U.S. relations.     

关于中印美三边关系的一些思考

近年来，中印美三边关系成为国际社会关注的重大问题。本文对此进行了分析研究，认为印美结盟反华、中印结盟反美、中关结盟反印的可能性都不大，中印美三边关系有望长期维持平衡的态势。这对维护亚洲和世界和平十分有利。如果中印美能在多个领域开展三方合作，其意义将更为重大。     

China's Periphery: Implications for U.S. Policy and Interests

The major, middle and small powers on China's periphery are often portrayed as passive objects of great power competition between the United States and China, but in fact the foreign policy strategies of these states plays a significant role in shaping Sino-U.S. relations and the overall order in Asia. Before examining the actors on China's periphery in this important FPRI conference, therefore, it is worth starting at the macro-level of international relations in Asia within which they operate.     

论全球金融危机下的中美经济关系失衡及其调整

20世纪90年代以来,中美经济关系日益紧密;但与此同时,两国贸易关系与投资关系失衡也不断加剧。全球金融危机的爆发对中美贸易关系失衡与投资关系失衡产生了不同的影响,并导致二者的调整路径明显分化。在后危机时代,美联储的宽松货币政策及退出时机、中美两国的经济结构调整、现行国际货币体系的改革以及人民币国际化进程的加速都将影响中美经济关系失衡的调整。从长期来看,中美投资关系失衡的调整将慢于贸易关系失衡的调整,但二者最终都将向均衡水平回归。     

Darfur and Sino-U.S. Relations

The Darfur issue has been influencing the Sino-U.S. relationship since July 2004. There are at least three reasons to say so. Firstly, China and the U.S. disagree,both on the nature of the issue and on its solution. Secondly,China and the U.S. have conflicting interests, especially their oil interests in Sudan and the African continent.Finally, U.S. domestic political forces have forced the issue onto the agenda of Sino-U.S. relations. Although the issue has become an unharmonious factor in the Sino-U.S.relationship, it has not damaged the bilateral relations too much. Instead, the two countries have been cooperating on the issue.     

U.S. Engagement in East Asia: A Case for ‘Track Two’ Diplomacy

As the Bush presidency draws to a close, the foreign policy community is taking stock of contemporary U.S.-Northeast Asian relations, assessing the challenges and opportunities that are likely to confront the next administration. China presents both in abundance, as reflected in ongoing tensions and misunderstandings in the Sino-American bilateral relationship. This article assesses the prospects for Washington to improve its relations with China through the mechanism of “track two” diplomacy. First, we expand on the track two concept by examining its main components and functions with illustrative examples. We extend the existing conceptualization of track two beyond its traditional conflict resolution functions and develop an account of it as a mechanism for policy coordination and the reorientation of regional dynamics from conflict to cooperation. Second, we identify major areas of U.S. interest in Northeast Asia and show how track two diplomacy might usefully be pursued within these contexts. Our analysis culminates with recommendations on how the Unites States should apply track two strategies in its relations with China.     

建交30年来中美关系发展分析

中美建交30多年来,两国关系的发展经历了曲折式前进、螺旋式上升的过程。从影响中美关系发展的因素看,有国际格局的变化、两国社会的变化、国家领导人的作用和两国民间交流的力量这三个层次。未来中美关系向前发展的总趋势不会改变,但也不会一帆风顺。     

美国对台政策的战略意图探析

中关建交后,美国为追求利益的最大化而竭力在中国大陆和台湾之间寻求平衡,形成了所谓“双轨政策”。依照常理,美国与中国建交后,应该遵守承诺与中国台湾断绝“外交”关系,但美国仍然与台湾在实际上藕断丝连,最主要的原因就是美国自认为在台湾有着无法放弃的“特殊利益”。从对华战略而言,美国力图通过一个精心策划的平衡的“双轨道”政策以保护它在中国与台湾的利益。其根本政策目标是希望维持海峡两岸的分裂局面,使两岸保持不独不统的状态,从而牵制中国,最大程度地实现美国的政治、经济和战略利益。但是这种“双轨”政策的两面性,决定了其必然存在着种种矛盾和可能承担的风险。     

从美对俄战略看当前美俄的紧张关系

美俄关系是世界上最重要的大国关系之一。美国弱俄、抑俄政策是冷战时期对苏“遏制”战略的继续，意识形态的对抗贯穿美苏和美俄关系的发展过程。近些年来，美俄不断形成相互挑战之势，今年俄格军事冲突又导致美俄对抗势头加剧。但两国不会回到冷战时代，非敌非友的两国关系将会长期保持。     

Evolution of the U.S. Strategy toward China and China’s Peaceful Development

China-U.S. relationship is the most important one between two big powers in the world today. It is both bilateral and global by nature. How to handle this relationship is closely linked with the fundamental interests of the U.S. and China, as well as peace and stability in the Asia Pacific region and even in the world. So, a profound examination of the nature of U.S. strategy toward China and its evolution over the years will help to fully understand the opportunities and challenges China will meet in the course of peaceful development.     

When Rivalry Goes Viral: COVID-19, U.S.-China Relations,and East Asia

Regional security and regional order in East Asia are shaped profoundly by the United States, the People's Republic of China, and U.S.-China relations. The COVID-19 crisis accelerated a negative trajectory in the relationship between Washington and Beijing. As with so many issues, here, too, the situation in the time of COVID is much like the status quo ante, only more so. The pandemic-related and pandemic-exacerbated problems in U.S.-China relations pose challenges for security and stability in East Asia. They do so in ways that several theories of international relations would predict. This is the first of a two-part series, the latter of which will appear in an upcoming issue of Orbis.     

Kommunikasiekunde aan die Potchefstroomse Universiteit vir C.H.O.

SUMMARY

This case study tracks the process of the establishment of a community radio station in the Zululand area of KwaZulu-Natal, an area which is characterised by the vastly different levels of development of its constituent communities. Survey work, establishing the patterns of attention to existing media, and the question of the establishment of a community station to satisfy community communication needs are discussed. The role of the station in the areas of local governance, economic development, media training, public relations and industrial relations and language policy are examined. The findings of a survey investigating listeners' responses to the station's language policy, subsequent to the station going on the air, are also discussed.     

中美军事关系风向何方

中美军事关系在冷战结束后经历了多次起落，终于走出低谷，为两国关系找到了新的利益切合点。两军之间必要的沟通渠道的建立，降低了两国关系发生风险的几率。现时两军之间尚缺乏必要的战略互信．这也是两国关系的潜伏危机所在。