共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Nicholas Evan Sarantakes 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(2):369-392
Ireland had significant pull in domestic American politics, but was a minor power in world affairs. The Irish influence was inverse to the relationship the United States had with the United Kingdom. In 1964, these political and diplomatic factors converged when Eamon de Valera, the American born President of the Republic of Ireland, made one last tour of the United States. Lyndon Johnson used the trip to his political advantage without harming the relationship the United States enjoyed with the United Kingdom. Johnson showed a skillful touch in both the diplomacy and politics that went along with this visit, challenging dominant views about his competence in this area. 相似文献
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拉丁美洲与美国文化外交的起源 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
文化外交在美国对外战略中占据着显著的地位,对美国实现其外交目标发挥着十分重要的作用。然而,美国政府在官方层面上利用文化作为外交的一个武器却比较晚,正式开始于二战期间,而且首先是在拉丁美洲实施的。因此,美国文化外交的起源与拉美有着密切的关系。文化外交在拉美地区的“试验”可以说取得了很大的成功,为美国政府在战时和战后把文化外交扩大到其他地区积累了很多有价值的经验。 相似文献
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Juergen Kleiner 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(2):312-333
Diplomatic correspondence between Washington and the American Embassy in Islamabad published by the National Security Archive shows that during the last 35 years of the twentieth century American diplomacy toward Pakistan faced a mutually de-escalating relationship. Pakistan wanted American economic and military assistance as well as support in its conflicts with India. The United States was ready to aid Pakistan, but only so far as Islamabad respected American demands. These focused on containing Soviet influence in the region and, more recently, fighting al-Qaeda and the Taliban. The United States also asked Pakistan to refrain from manufacturing nuclear weapons. To enforce this policy, successive American administrations showered Pakistan with sanctions. These sanctions were lifted again and again, because they undercut American diplomatic influence with the Pakistani government. Washington did not intend to support Pakistan in its conflicts with India. Pakistan let down the United States by not using its leverage over the Taliban to capture Osama Bin Laden. Mistrust resulting from this roller coaster relationship should have warned American diplomats not to take Pakistan's support in the war in Afghanistan against al-Qaeda and the Taliban for granted. 相似文献
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美国"亚太再平衡"的核心要旨是意图"塑造"一个由美国主导的东亚均势体系来约束中国的对外行为及中国崛起对东亚格局可能产生的影响。美国的"亚太再平衡"战略引发了周边国家对于与中国关系定位的调整。为应对美国的"亚太再平衡"战略,中国周边外交政策应采用经济手段,使中国与周边国家利益深度融合,相互依存加深,把中国强大的经济实力有效转化为外交和政治实力;强化中国与周边国家基础设施的互联互通建设;以实际行动消除中国迅速发展给周边国家带来的压力和疑虑;更加积极主动地参与到亚洲区域多边机制中,以新安全观发挥对地区安全合作的引领作用。 相似文献
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Pamela S. Chasek 《国际研究展望》2005,6(1):1-19
In the International Organizations classroom, students learn a lot about the nuts and bolts of international organizations in theory, but do not always have the opportunity to understand how international organizations work in practice. Understanding negotiations, diplomacy and interstate relations is essential in understanding the strengths of weaknesses of international organizations. To this end, the use of in-class simulations, where each student represents a different country, can be an effective tool in teaching students about international organizations and global governance. This article describes a simulation run in an International Organizations class in the Fall 2002 semester. It involved a fictitious serious terrorist attack in Singapore during a performance of "Kiddush for Naomi" performed by the Israel Habima Theatre Company. The article describes the goals of the simulation, the preparation the students undertook throughout the semester, the implementation of the simulation itself, and the post-simulation debriefing and assessment of the students and lessons learned for future in-class simulations. 相似文献
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Sun Cheng 《中国国际问题研究》2010,(2):151-168
A new chapter began in Japan's political history when Yukio Hatoyama and his Democratic Party (DPJ) replaced the long-governing Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), thus creating the long-contemplated structure of alternate rule by the two major political parties. Attaching more importance to independence in diplomacy, the Hatoyama Cabinet is expected to stand for a repositioning of its relations with the United States and make greater diplomatic efforts in Asia with the focus on building an East Asian Community so as to adapt to the evolving international relations in the Asia-Pacific region. 相似文献
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《Critical Studies on Terrorism》2013,6(2):227-243
This paper is concerned with how and with what consequences Hollywood studios have approached the issue of terrorism. By drawing on the literatures of critical terrorism studies and critical geopolitics, a number of films are analysed for the purpose of considering the nature and motivation of terrorists, the objects of their assaults, the geographical location of the actual dramas, and the responses deemed necessary in the face of such apparent dangers. Finally, the paper briefly considers how one segment of film audiences, namely, participants (usually avid fans) who engage via online forums such as the Internet Movie Data Base (IMDb), engage and contest the movies themselves. The movie Rendition (2007) provides a brief example of how fans respond to a film explicitly concerned with terrorism and torture. This is important for considering how people make sense of films above and beyond their role as a highly successful form of entertainment. 相似文献
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Steven Grogan Author Vitae 《Orbis》2009,53(4):685-704
This article outlines Chinese strategic nuclear forces and the Chinese philosophical approach to nuclear security. It then focuses on the domestic conditions in China which could precipitate vulnerabilities to its nuclear forces. From information about internal security conditions in China, specific internal threats to Chinese nuclear security will be derived. Based on these threats, several outsider and insider scenarios will be outlined involving a variety of terrorist or terrorist related behaviors. These notional scenarios will include everything from overrun or attack, to diversion, to cyber terrorism, to sabotage. The article will then cover what these scenarios and the possible Chinese reaction to them may mean for the security, military and diplomatic strategies of the United States. 相似文献
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“9.11”恐怖主义袭击事件后 ,随着美国组织盟国准备对阿富汗实施军事打击 ,巴基斯坦的战略地位重新回升 ,美巴之间的密切合作成为美国反恐怖主义行动顺利进行的重要条件 ;印度的合作愿望则因印巴两国的微妙关系而受到美国冷落。印巴在阿富汗政治重建问题上利益迥异 ,同时克什米尔暴力事件也突出了印度自身的反恐怖主义问题 ,这些复杂因素使得美国不得不在南亚维系平衡、险走钢丝 ,为其全局计划增添了新的变数。 相似文献
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Stephen Blackwell 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2000,11(3):139-158
This paper seeks to analyze the Syrian Crisis in 1957 and its impact on the Anglo-American reconciliation after the dispute over Suez in the previous year. The Middle East remained at the forefront of British and American continued regional instability and led to close allied cooperation over the perceived Soviet threat in Syria. This ensured that by the time of the Washington Conference in October 1957 both Macmillan and Eisenhower agreed that the Middle East required a joint Anglo-American policy to safeguard vital regional interests. 相似文献
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Stephen Blackwell 《Diplomacy & Statecraft》2013,24(3):139-158
This paper seeks to analyze the Syrian Crisis in 1957 and its impact on the Anglo‐American reconciliation after the dispute over Suez in the previous year. The Middle East remained at the forefront of British and American continued regional instability and led to close allied cooperation over the perceived Soviet threat in Syria. This ensured that by the time of the Washington Conference in October 1957 both Macmillan and Eisenhower agreed that the Middle East required a joint Anglo‐American policy to safeguard vital regional interests. 相似文献
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Eric Mlyn 《European Security》2013,22(3):426-447
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