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《Orbis》2019,63(2):209-224
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发展中的"上海五国"机制   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
1996年4月,中俄哈吉塔五国元首在中国上海举行会晤,创建了“上海五国”会晤机制。此后,五国元首每年举行一次会晤。2000年7月,五国元首在塔吉克斯坦首都杜尚别举行第五次会晤,决定发展五国全面合作,将“上海五国”由会晤机制变成地区全面合作机制。今年6月将在上海举行第六次五国元首会晤,必将大大推进五国全面合作和“上海五国”机制向更高层次转变。“上海五国”进程的创建和发展,不仅促进了五国睦邻友好合作关系,加强了五国和亚太地区安全,为在冷战后摒弃冷战思维,探索新型的国家关系、新型安全观和新型区域合作模式提供了重…  相似文献   

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世界向"新时期"转变   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
“9·11事件”是冷战结束后最具标志性的事件。值此“9·11”五周年之际,《现代国际关系》编辑部举办了“‘9·11’以来国际形势变化与中国外交”专题研讨会,邀请在京二十余位国际问题专家就五年来的国际形势变化、反恐形势、当前国际体系中的深层矛盾、大国关系的调整、国际格局的演变趋势、美国反恐的得与失、美国国际地位及实力的升与降、中国国际地位与国际战略等问题进行了深入分析和探讨。现将与会专家学者的主要观点辑录刊发,以期对读者把握国际战略形势及理解中国对外战略有所裨益。  相似文献   

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This article identifies political communication patterns taking shape on Arab world television. Three distinct patterns of political communication are described. In the traditional government-controlled television pattern, official government policies seem to inspire the form and substance of TV's framing of events and issues. In the reformist government-controlled television pattern, while official stands set the parameters of news coverage, professional newswork practices unfamiliar in traditional government-controlled television are well noted. In the liberal commercial pattern, American-style journalism seems to define television's handling of events and issues. To shed light on these patterns, the writer conducts a supplementary analysis of how three television broadcasters representing the three political communication patterns - Syrian Satellite Channel (SSC), Abu Dhabi Satellite Channel (ADSC), and Al-Jazeera Satellite Channel (JSC) - frame national and regional politics in their news programs.  相似文献   

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冷战时期日本和东盟间的经济合作为后冷战时代双方的安全合作奠定了物质基础。日本为了成为一个政治和军事大国,在安全上减少对美国的依赖并制衡迅速崛起的中国,在冷战后积极加强与东盟的安全合作。双方在传统和非传统安全方面都展开了深入的合作。而日美同盟及东盟对日防范心理则是双方安全合作的主要制约因素。  相似文献   

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Democratic discourses are increasingly devolving into mudslinging matches where communicators attack their opponents—sometimes in crude and hostile ways. Underlying this type of discourse is the normative assumption that human affairs are inherently conflicting and best governed through struggles and contests. When considering why some discourses warrant re-examination and how this can be achieved, the role of culture and ethics becomes apparent. While our prevalent culture of adversarialism unearths many important facets of discussion, its discourses can also obscure valuable insights and foster division where collaboration is possible and quite possibly desirable. As such, contrasting normative approaches are worth considering. The African philosophy of ubuntu offers such an alternative as it espouses a harmonious and cohesive way of relating to fellow human beings that contrasts and complements individualist facets. It provides the space to evolve discourses in ways that support cooperative societal structures and practices.  相似文献   

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Nicole Detraz 《安全研究》2013,22(2):345-369
Environmental security is a topic of study that has gained significant attention in the past few decades. Largely since the end of the Cold War, environmental security has come to represent a way for scholars and policy makers to link the concepts of traditional security scholarship to the environment. Many different conceptions of the relationship between the environment and security appear in academia. Yet despite the diversity of current work on the environment and security, there has been little systematic work done that examines the intersection between environmental security and gender. This article will address the necessity of including gender into the approaches on the environment and security. The environmental security debate exhibits gendered understandings of both security and the environment. These gendered assumptions and understandings benefit particular people but are often detrimental to others. Examining environmental security through a gender lens gives insight into the gendered nature of global environmental politics and redefines the concept in ways that are more useful, both empirically and analytically. The various environmental security perspectives have important, unexplored gender dimensions that must be uncovered so that the security of humans and the environment can be better protected.  相似文献   

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在国际法体系中,武装冲突法可谓编纂得最为完备的一个分支。经过数百年的积累和铺垫,第二次世界大战后武力使用规范逐渐发展成为完整的规范体系并呈现出四大特征:即为了适应国际关系的新变化武装冲突法扩大了适用范围;使用核武器是否合法成为国际法的重要问题;出现了在武装冲突中"反向"使用武力以达到实现和平目的的新方式——联合国维持和平行动以及在武装冲突中出现了大量作为作战手段而使用的性暴力行为等。然而进入21世纪以后,武装冲突的形态与样式均发生了重大变化,一方面,以无人机、自主作战机器人、纳米生物武器和网络战为代表的新型作战手段方法层出不穷;另一方面,非国家行为体在武装冲突中使用武力的情况有所增加,更出现了私人军事安保公司等法律地位在国际法上尚处于空白的交战主体。以朝核危机为标志,核武器对于国际和平与安全的巨大的潜在甚至是现实的威胁再次凸显,迅速成为国际政治和国际法中的热点核心议题。值得注意的是,即使武装冲突法的基本原则依然相对稳定,但是不断出现的新作战手段和方法,仍然给国际法和国际安全提出了一系列亟须应对的新挑战。  相似文献   

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Today I would like to share some thoughts on Asian security and the role and responsibility of China.
In people's minds, Asia is often seen as a dynamic economy. Yet for some people, the close economic relations among Asian countries are not matched by amicable political relations. They even believe instability and insecurity is on the rise in Asia.  相似文献   

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This article examines the influence of civilian protection norms on China’s response to the 2011 crisis in Libya. It argues that Responsibility to Protect—an emerging norm commonly associated with the Libyan case—did not play a major role in China’s abstention on Resolution 1973 (2011) authorizing international intervention in Libya. For China, Responsibility to Protect is merely a concept and could not serve as the basis for intervention. Instead, Protection of Civilians in Armed Conflict, as a normative foundation for civilian protection endorsed by China, offers a more appropriate lens for understanding China’s vote. Protection of Civilians, however, does not accommodate China’s unprecedented evacuation of Chinese nationals from Libya. This operation proceeded from a third logic of Protection of Nationals Abroad, which poses dilemmas for China’s strict adherence to the principles of sovereignty and non-interference and brings to bear domestic interests and notions of protection.  相似文献   

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冷战结束以来,中俄战略关系开始了由安全困境向安全共同体的结构性转变。这突出地表现在三个层面上:边界划定奠定了中俄战略合作的地缘之基、上合组织夯实了中俄战略合作机制之本、联手反霸塑造了中俄战略合作的全球之维。展望未来,在新安全观的引导下,中俄战略关系一定会更上一层楼。  相似文献   

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Germany might be considered as the European country that has suffered the most from the spatial diffusion of Turkey's internal conflicts. It has received the highest number of Kurdish migrants in Europe and it became the core of Kurdish mobilization in transnational space. Germany's approach to the Kurdish Question on its own soil—combined with the strategies that the Kurdish activists used—determined the scope of opportunity structures for the mobilization of the Kurdish movement. This article explains how Kurdish activism has come to be perceived in Germany, and analyzes the German political environment by focusing on the criminalization and stigmatization of the Kurdish movement, especially during the 1990s. It then describes the discursive shift and change in framing strategies that the Kurdish diaspora experienced after the capture of the the Kurdistan Workers' Party's (PKK) leader in 1999. Lastly, it touches upon the recent developments in the Middle East, especially in Kobane, and their impact on the image of the Kurdish movement. The article is based on extensive fieldwork in Germany and includes testimonies of Kurdish diaspora activists, with a focus on their own perceptions about their situation and how they respond to securitization policies in the host country.  相似文献   

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东盟是"一带一路"建设的重点和优先地区,也是对中国企业最具吸引力的投资目的地之一。本文基于投资者的视角,利用PEST分析框架对东盟经贸市场进行较为详尽的探讨后发现:东盟政治总体保持稳定但政府效率差强人意有待提高;虽有优惠性的与贸易投资有关的政策和法律但有些国家存在严格管制;经济发展水平、产业结构以及消费者偏好、宗族与族群、科技水平的多样性特征明显;对外贸易稳中有升;人口素质逐渐提高等。在此基础上,本文对中国企业普遍关注的"一带一路"视域下东盟的投资热点行业,如农业、基础设施、采矿、旅游业等进行前景预测。  相似文献   

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