俄罗斯精神损害赔偿制度特点评析

俄罗斯新的民法典在建立精神损害赔偿制度时明确宣布,国家赔偿不仅包括财产损害,而且包括严格责任的精神损害赔偿,并把精神损害赔偿的适用范围以立法的方式加以明确和扩大,将严格责任原则导入精神损害赔偿领域,对遭受侵害的公民提供更多的救济途径,突出对受害人所受精神损害的关注,体现对人的尊严和人格的高度重视,这都是俄罗斯精神损害赔偿制度最突出的特点,值得我国借鉴。     

政党政治与政党制度论

政党政治和政党制度是政治学或政党学中两个不同层次的概念。政党政治是指由政党影响国家政权 ,并在国家和社会生活中处于中心地位的政治 ,是政治类型的划分 ;政党制度则是指一个国家关于政党结构及其活动规范的总称。政党制度又可以区分为基本制度和具体制度 (体制 ) -运行机制。作这两方面的区分 ,有利于把政党现象纳入人类社会政治发展过程中来考察 ,也便于人们从政治发展和政治管理的角度 ,认识政党地位的取得、党政关系、政党关系的科学界定及政党运作的科学管理。     

各国政党制度差异溯源比较研究

在各国政党制度为什么会存在差异这一问题上,本文立足制度主义,从一国自身的政治制度出发进行解释。重点探讨了选举制度、国家的制度架构以及一些非正式的程序对政党制度产生与发展的影响。由于各国政党制度的复杂性和多样性,单纯用制度主义方法并不能穷尽地解释造成差异的原因,但这确实是一种可行的角度。     

从国家杜马选举看俄罗斯社会民主主义政党的发展轨迹

苏联解体以后,社会民主主义政党数量明显增加,但群众支持率较为低下。21世纪以来,俄罗斯社会民主主义力量和社会主义力量开始联合。自公正俄罗斯党成立以后,俄罗斯社会民主主义政党开始慢慢崛起。未来,公正俄罗斯党将成为俄罗斯社会民主主义运动的"领头羊",但公正俄罗斯党依旧无法动摇统一俄罗斯党"一党独大"的地位。     

当前我国通货膨胀的特点、成因及其治理

当前我国正经历一轮较为严重的通货膨胀。此轮通货膨胀有三大特点:持续时间较长,结构性特征明显,属于全球性通货膨胀的一部分。究其原因:一是近年来货币超经济发行严重,二是总需求与总供给结构失衡,三是受国际通货膨胀的影响,四是各级政府对GDP的狂热追求。治理本轮通货膨胀既要在具体政策层面严控货币供给和输入型通货膨胀,抑制投资过热并改善供给结构,又要淡化GDP崇拜,以提高经济增长质量和民生幸福指数为目的来转变经济发展模式。     

中外两种政党制度形态的比较分析

政党是当代最重要、最活跃、最有力量的政治实体,它对一个国家政治过程起着决定作用。政党政治指政党影响国家政权并在国家和社会生活中处于中心和枢纽地位的政治类型。中国政党制度是中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度,是中国的一项基本政治制度。本文主要从政党制度的基本形态、作用和功能、特征等方面对资本主义国家的政党制度和社会主义国家的政党制度进行了比较分析,为完善当代中国政党制度提供了有意的借鉴和启示。     

中国政党制度功能探析

从意识形态功能和结构性功能出发,政党制度功能包括根本功能和基本功能两个方面。中国政党制度把领导核心的一元性与结构的多元性结合起来,形成共产党领导、多党派合作,共产党执政、多党派参政格局。中国政党制度的根本功能就是为巩固人民民主专政国体、社会主义经济基础和社会制度服务。中国政党制度的基本功能包括:强大的整合功能、独特的民主功能和有效的稳定功能。     

政党文化:内涵、特点及功能

政党文化是指政党在其长期的政治活动中,以意识形态为核心,其绝大多数成员所表现出的稳定的价值取向、组织心理及行为作风等.政党文化的特点有:一是具有比一般组织文化更强烈、鲜明的意识形态色彩,二是具有浓厚的理想主义色彩,三是对民族文化有着重要的影响作用.政党文化具有如下功能:培育政治精英,增强政党合法性,实现党内整合,确立政党组织结构和制度框架.影响党员对政党运作方式的认同等.     

论有中国特色的政党制度

中国共产党领导的多党合作制度,是有中国特色的政党制度安排。依法实施制度安排是坚持和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作制度的重要途径。只有依法实施政党制度安排,才能有效规范政党之间、政党与政权之间、政党与政治资源之间的关系,才能进一步规范中国共产党领导的多党合作制度政治结构,充分发挥政治功能,才能在新形势下解决中国共产党领导的多党合作制度面临的新问题,才能坚持和完善中国共产党领导的多党合作制度。     

中国新型政党制度的比较优势

中西政党政治的治乱对比,展现出中国共产党领导的多党合作和政治协商制度相对于西方政党制度的比较优势。具体表现为:从领导核心看,中国共产党集中统一领导与不断自我革命,展现出卓越领导力;从党群关系看,中国新型政党制度强调真实持久代表最广大人民利益,而不是代表少数人利益;从党际关系看,中国新型政党制度强调多党间肝胆相照的合作,而不是党派之间的恶性竞争;从党政关系看,中国新型政党制度强调负责任的治国理政,而不是利益集团导向的施政。中国新型政党制度增加了人类政治文明发展的多样性和可能性,是中国对人类政治文明的一大贡献。     

政治和谐与中国特色政党制度

中国特色政党制度和政治和谐之间具有密切的关联,二者构成互动影响。政治和谐是中国特色政党制度的目标指向,中国特色政党制度是建构政治和谐的路径选择。本文通过分析政治和谐的内涵、特征及现状,解构中国特色政党制度的结构和功能,找出中国特色政党制度和政治和谐之间的逻辑关联,从政党制度的视角提出构建政治和谐的路径选择。     

The dynamics of European party systems

Nomination: Changing patterns of electoral volatility by Richard S. Katz, p.83
Nomination: To swing or not to swing by Hans Rattinger, p.86
Reflections: Dynamics of European party systems A catalyst for a discussion by Mogens N. Pedersen, p.93     

Social movements and party systems: The French socialist party and new social movements

This article examines the apparent difficulty of various French ‘new social movements’ of the 1970s and 1980s to coalesce in the form of a ‘green’ or ‘new politics’ party. In addition to the nature of the French electoral system and dominant policy‐making apparatus, this article focuses upon relations between the Socialist Party and feminist and ecology movements. The major argument is that the Socialists, in their bid for hegemony among the left throughout the 1970s and 1980s, effectively undercut post‐material value‐oriented support for a ‘new politics’ party.     

The transformation of Western European party systems revisited

Otto Kirchheimer has argued that a transformation of Western European party systems is under way. If Kirchheimer's assertions about the emergence and success of catch‐all parties are correct, we should discover decreased fragmentation in Western European party systems. However, there is little evidence for this. In recent years many party systems have become more, rather than less, fragmented. Catch‐all parties have succeeded only in countries which experienced crises and disruptions in development. Elsewhere the strength of partisan attachments prevent the success of catch‐all parties. Increased fragmentation in the 1970s reflects the weakening of partisan attachments, the emergence of new concerns, and growing reactions against goverment policies and practices. Minor parties have gained support because they were better able to mobilise discontent and fulfil the expressive functions of political parties.     

论农村基层党组织虚化的成因

农村基层党组织虚化现象的成因共有四个方面,分别是基层党组织的边缘化、地方化、家族化和派性化.边缘化和地方化主要由于改革开放以来农村的制度变迁(村民自治和村支书的民主推选)所引起,而家族化和派性化主要由于农村权力的文化网络因素所造成,所以对虚化现象的治理应该从实现加强党的领导同农村各项制度及权力的文化网络的对接开始.     

The 2003 Russian Duma election and the decline in rural support for the communist party

The December 2003 Duma election was a landmark in Russian elections, marking a significant decline in electoral support for the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (KPRF). This article explains the decline of support for the KPRF in the December 2003 election. Our specific focus is on the decline in rural support for the KPRF. This particular aspect is important because rural voters constituted a large portion of the KPRF's support throughout the 1990s. Using data from two rounds of surveys in several Russian regions, the article demonstrates that by 2003 the KPRF failed to capitalize on the ‘misery of the market,’ that is, to capture support from the ‘losers and malcontents’ during market reform, suggesting that KPRF supporters dealigned themselves from the party.     

The role of electoral geography in the territorialization of party systems

When does a country's social structure foster the development of territorialized party systems? This article argues that electoral geography – defined as the interaction between the geography of social diversity and electoral rules– is key to answering this question. I make two claims: first, the impact of geographically concentrated diversity on party system territorialization depends on the proportionality of electoral rules. Second, the types of geographic cleavages (ethnic versus economic) and whether they are overlapping or cross-cutting also affects the likelihood of party system territorialization (conditional on the electoral system). I test these claims with an original dataset measuring party system territorialization in 382 elections across 60 countries that also includes comparable cross-national measures of different types of geographically concentrated diversity (language, race, religion and income). The main conclusion is that proportional electoral systems and cross-cutting cleavages can act as a powerful constraint on the translation of territorial ethnic cleavages into territorialized party systems.     

Religious voting and moral traditionalism: The moderating role of party characteristics

One of the most important theoretical explanations for why religion is associated with party choice is that religion affects citizens' moral values, which in turn affect party preference. In this article, I first estimate the empirical importance of this mechanism. On average, about ten percent of religious voting is mediated by moral traditionalism. Secondly, I argue that the importance of this mechanism varies depending on party characteristics. The effect is indirect through moral traditionalism to the extent that parties emphasize moral issues such as abortion or euthanasia. Under these conditions, group belonging may provide useful cues for voters. Combining data on 50 parties with survey data on more than 10,000 citizens from 13 West European countries, this article provides empirical evidence of this proposition in the case of the religious cleavage. The findings may be of relevance also for other social structural variables, such as class or gender.     

Electoral systems,ethnic diversity and party systems in developing democracies

Party system nationalization is often viewed as critical to national unity, the production of public goods, and may have implications for democratic success. This paper assesses the impact of ethnic diversity and electoral rules in 74 economically developing democracies. Contrary to past studies, majoritarian electoral systems heighten the tendency of ethnic diversity to reduce nationalization while proportional representation greatly reduces its impact. Presidential systems produce higher levels of nationalization than parliamentary systems but the effect reverses as the number of presidential candidates increases. Though ethnic party bans may increase nationalization, ballot access requirements, the level of freedom, and relative prosperity have no effect.