中国参与国际气候谈判的立场演变

中国参与国际气候谈判的历程是同期中国整体外交的缩影,其立场演变经历了被动却积极参与、谨慎保守参与以及活跃开放参与三个发展阶段,且每个阶段气候谈判立场的演变都有着内在的决定因素。气候外交作为中国整体外交的一部分,深刻反映了中国外交日趋成熟的发展进程。     

欧盟后哥本哈根气候政策的变化及其影响

哥本哈根气候大会是欧盟气候政策发展中的分水岭。在后哥本哈根气候时代,欧盟应对气候变化的政治意愿大大降低,并且越来越注重国际气候承诺的落实和现实主义气候外交手段的运用。欧盟气候政策的这些变化与国际气候格局的转型、欧盟塑造国际气候机制方式所面临的挑战、欧盟内部气候政治的新发展以及国际经济危机的持续蔓延等一系列内外因素密切相关。作为国际气候领域的领导者和国际气候规则的主要制定者之一,欧盟后哥本哈根气候政策的变化对欧盟自身、未来国际气候机制的构建以及中国也将产生很大的影响。然而鉴于欧盟气候政策的变化尚未尘埃落定,因此其产生的影响仍有待进一步观察。     

日本在国际气候谈判中的立场转变及原因分析

日本是国际气候谈判的主要参与国家之一,在美国退出《京都议定书》的情况下日本最终选择批准议定书,让国际社会对作为京都会议东道国的日本在关键时刻表现出的担当态度赞赏有加。然而《京都议定书》的第一承诺期还未过去,日本就对《京都议定书》的未来表现出消极态度。文章试图分析日本在国际气候谈判中的立场由积极转变为不积极的原因,并在此基础上提出日本的谈判态度对国际气候谈判的启示。     

哥本哈根谈判进程和中美碳外交的发展

巴厘路线图出台后,全球气候变化谈判格局酝酿着深刻变化。进程将尽的哥本哈根谈判也面临大国关系复杂交错的分化与组合。其间中美经由碳外交建立起来的双边协调和互动关系,促使美国试图争取掌握应对气候变化国际谈判格局的主动权,亦促使中国试图继续赢得应对气候变化的国际均势。我们必须对中美共治的幻象有清醒的认识,警惕美国在气候变化问题上绑架中国。全球气候变化谈判格局不可能适用中美共治的模式,而会通过大国之间的合作,促进多边协调的框架机制完善发展。     

Fractured International Environmental Governance and the Potential Role of the Commonwealth in Biodiversity and Climate Change

Abstract

This paper begins by examining the reasons behind most failures of governance, including fault lines in institutional and professional specialisation, and in ideology. These three, forever competing within and between themselves, frustrate attempts to find solutions to some of the world's most pressing challenges. Not least among these are environmental challenges, where preferences and priorities that are geographically, professionally or ideologically narrow inevitably fail to achieve solutions for the greater good. What role can the Commonwealth play in addressing the fracture lines that bedevil solutions for climate change and biodiversity? It may help to stimulate global action on these issues if it can encourage agreement across multidimensional global boundaries. We know the Commonwealth is not a leading global force for controlling climate change or biodiversity loss; but if it had the political will it could be an exemplar of how, between a group of vastly diverse countries across the globe—and on the global political stage—binding agreement and positive action on climate change and biodiversity could be promoted and perhaps achieved. One of the strongest features of the Commonwealth is the generation of long-standing legal and ethical norms whose appeal is obvious even if their implementation is lacking. These norms should not be limited to the rule of law, democracy and human rights, but should include environmental norms because these too are fundamental to a satisfactory human condition.     

The Role of Drought and Climate Change in the Syrian Uprising: Untangling the Triggers of the Revolution

This article examines the role of drought and climate change as triggers of the Syrian uprising that started in March 2011. It frames the 2006–10 drought that struck north-eastern Syria in the context of rapid economic liberalization and long-standing resource mismanagement, and shows that the humanitarian crisis of the late 2000s largely predated the drought period. It argues that focusing on external factors like drought and climate change in the context of the Syrian uprising is counterproductive as it diverts attention from more fundamental political and economic motives behind the protests and shifts responsibility away from the Syrian government.     

美国金融危机影响下东南亚国家的经济表现与未来走向

2008年9月,美国次级信贷危机演变为金融危机并迅速席卷全球,在危机加剧的情况下,东南亚国家经济大幅下滑.本文分析了2008年东南亚各国在危机影响之下的经济表现,并对东南亚经济的未来走向作出预测.     

战后新马华人秘密会党的变迁

新加坡、马来亚华人秘密会党是中国天地会在海外的分支 ,长期以来对新马华人社会产生了极大的影响。第二次世界大战之后 ,新马华人秘密会党发生了很大变化 ,他们的活动不断在高潮与低谷中交替进行。与此同时 ,因为社会生存环境的改变 ,他们的组织结构、活动模式、活动范围及帮规礼仪等也不断变化 ,然而无论秘密会党作出何种调整 ,最终都难逃被历史淘汰的命运。     

“水外交”视角下的中国和下湄公河国家跨界水资源合作

在跨界水资源合作与国家间"水权力"矛盾与日俱增的背景下,国际机构和部分国家开始重视"水外交",并将其视为处理对外关系的重要方式之一。中国与下湄公河国家在湄公河跨界水资源开发中的争端也急需通过"水外交"来解决。本文在对"水外交"研究脉络进行梳理的基础上,尝试性地将"水外交"定义为"一国政府围绕(跨界与非跨界)水合作项目和‘软水产品’的开发和利用问题,通过技术和社会双层举措来进行解决的外交实施方式",并以此为切入点,通过三个案例分析阐明中国与下湄公河国家跨界水合作中所存在的问题,同时指出中国"水外交"实施不足的具体原因。本文认为中国应通过完善"水外交"体系,建立水资源合作利益共同体,借助"水资源综合管理"、第三方评估机构以及实施积极有为的"水外交"对外策略,来应对湄公河跨界河流开发中的内外困境。     

气候正义的僵局与出路——基于法哲学与经济学的跨学科考察

气候正义涉及复杂的国际法与国内法问题。传统国际法强调主权独立和互不干涉,而应对气候变化必然要求国际社会合作减排。国际合作减排的前提是各国主动放弃部分排放权利,主动承担减排义务。气候变化对整个国际社会造成了极大的危害,由于各国所处地理位置不同,各国所受的负面冲击不尽一致。有些国家必须支出巨额的调整成本以适应变化了的全球气候,而有些国家反而会因气候变化获得短期利益。根据科斯定律初始权利分配原理,气候正义不是简单的排放权的界定与转让问题,它要求运用分配正义与矫正正义原则对不公平分担减排责任的现象进行平衡处理。中国固然应当积极参与国际合作减排,但同时要坚持发展权优先的观点,与工业发达国家展开有理有节的谈判与斗争,争取最大限度地实现矫正正义。     

俄罗斯联邦国务委员会的起源、发展及作用——基于国家权力结构变迁视角

叶利钦执政早期,国务委员会充分发挥了协调整合行政权力的功能,使俄国家权力结构避免了宪制改革后的严重混乱失衡.1993年《俄罗斯联邦宪法》颁布后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构趋于多元化,国务委员会既无法解决中央层面的总统与立法机关的结构矛盾,又无法解决源自地方分裂主义的"央地"权力结构松散,因而归于沉寂.2000年普京开始执政后重设国务委员会.尤其在2004年"别斯兰事件"发生后,俄罗斯的国家权力结构再度集中,系统性压力激增,国务委员会的作用不断被强化,国务委员会的事务性工作人员得到扩充,工作机制和议事规则得到进一步规范.2008—2012年,国务委员会成为紧密联系"央地"的关键纽带,在一定程度上,维系了国家政治局势的稳定发展.2012年,在普京第三任期,其成功地协调了因"统一俄罗斯"党崛起而引起的联邦中央权力结构张力,缓解了央地行政层面的权力结构矛盾.2020年修宪后,国务委员会的作用向协助总统整合"全联邦"国家权力的方向转变.同时,"国务委员会"获得宪法地位,成为宪法性权力机关.     

瞄准历史--评关于尼克松-基辛格外交的两部新著

在当今的美国外交史学界,70年代已是一个遥远的话题.一位前外交高层人物和一名学者的两部新著却在20世纪末的美国学界激起了不小的波澜,重新激发了人们对尼克松-基辛格外交的兴趣.这两部著作分别是威廉·邦迪研究尼克松总统任内外交政策的专著<纠缠不清的网络:尼克松总统任内外交政策的制定>、威廉·伯尔编辑的<基辛格会谈记录:与北京和莫斯科的高层秘密对话>.①     

Mega-events and the developing world: A look at the legacy of the 2010 Soccer World Cup

To consider the legacy of the 2010 Soccer World Cup, after a brief introduction covering the socio-economic and political background of South Africa, this paper defines mega-events, highlighting the additional challenges faced by developing countries competing for hosting privileges versus more developed countries. It focuses on a few examples of perceived tangible benefits to South Africa arising from hosting the World Cup, specifically the construction of several new stadiums, the increase in tourism, and the highspeed ‘Gautrain’, versus the opportunity costs of expenditures on large scale projects that do not directly meet the needs of the poor of South Africa. Finally, an examination of the value of the often over-looked intangible benefits of mega-events like the World Cup follows, including increased national unity in the face of several centrifugal forces and improved international perceptions, especially as the latter relate to South African and African potential. What is the true legacy of the 2010 Soccer World Cup? The discussion will attempt to answer this question.     

A fateful weekend in 1921: at the crux of negotiations for an Anglo-Irish Treaty and an independent Irish parliament

This article highlights the stressful logistics of final negotiations for the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, a treaty that both ended the Irish war of independence (1919–21) and authorized the creation of the Irish Free State (1922). The treaty also confirmed a new international border which is still problematic today (not least in respect to the United Kingdom's decision to exit the European Union). Caught between dissidents in Dublin and experienced British ministerial negotiators in London, the ostensible plenipotentiaries of an Irish revolutionary government were obliged to rush back by rail and boat on a fraught mission to Ireland and then return immediately to London for final negotiations. The article lays bare the circumstances of that fateful weekend of 2-4 December 1921, two days after which the Irish team in London signed a controversial document that was to be contested in a civil war between different groups of Irish nationalists in 1922. The author argues that logistical pressures cannot be divorced from political tensions bearing down on negotiators.