从德国对阿富汗和伊拉克问题的不同态度看德美外交差异

德国联邦政府在"9·11"事件之后明确地站到了美国一边.在联合国主持下,德国还牵头在波恩彼得斯贝格召开了阿富汗问题国际会议,并提供了约3.4亿欧元的人道援助.但红绿政府第二任期伊始,德以绝不参与任何攻打伊拉克的战争以及不赞成武力推翻萨达姆政权的立场使德美关系陷入了一场深刻危机之中.本文旨在通过比较红绿联盟政府在阿富汗和伊拉克问题上的不同态度来探讨德美外交政策差异的深层次原因.     

德国聚集国际人才的新策略--"国际质量网"

"国际质量网"是德国学术交流中心(DAAD)推出的新合作交流资助计划,它为各国优秀人员在德学习、工作提供了有力支持.本文详细介绍了这一新的计划.     

《战争哀歌》与亚洲和平

本文旨在挖掘越南作家保宁饮誉国际的小说《战争哀歌》的人文主义与反战传统的渊源,论述其对亚洲和平的重要意义。国际上(包括越南国内)对《战争哀歌》的研究仍然停留在粗浅的水平,本文则从越南文化史、文学史以及中越文化交流史的长远视角出发,挖掘其深层的历史文化渊源。围绕《战争哀歌》对"招魂丛林"的描述,本文探讨越南历史上招魂仪式的文化意义,以及《战争哀歌》与越南文豪阮攸的《招魂文》的相似之处。此外,本文还将《战争哀歌》同越南文学史上的名著即18世纪邓陈琨的《征妇吟曲》进行对照,发现二者所表现的主题更是惊人相似,在揭示战争创伤、谴责战争罪恶方面有异曲同工之妙。最后,本文针对亚洲地区近些年来的紧张局势以及各国鼓吹战争的声音,讨论保宁本人及其《战争哀歌》的反战行为与思想,呼吁人们品读这一世界名著,维护亚洲和平。     

权威与媒体性--关于德国的跨文化讨论

权威和媒体是跨文化讨论中的两个重要方面,本文从文化、民族志、文化殖民主义、人类或机器、电视的认知布局与跨文化性和超文化性来探讨"权威和媒体"这一重大题目.     

沙尔利、我们与他人

托多罗夫的著作《我们与他人》通过对法国思想史的回顾,探讨了"我们"(我所隶属的社会文化群体)与"他人"(此群体之外的人们)之间的关系,以及人群(种族、民族等)多样性与人类整体性之间的关系。这可以帮助我们更深入地理解关于沙尔利事件和亨廷顿的"文明冲突论"的争论,学着在这文化多元的世界更好地共同生活。     

《德国发展报告(2014)》发布会暨‘大选后的德国何去何从?'研讨会在同济大学举行

正本刊讯同济大学德国研究中心于5月31日下午在四平校区中德大楼举行《德国发展报告(2014)》新书发布会。同济大学副校长吴志强出席发布会,并向与会专家学者介绍了同济大学在对德研究领域的最新发展。吴志强表示,同济大学未来30年在对德合作方面将致力于两个新的发展目标:一是由"对德的窗口"向"对德的门户"的转变;二是从单一的工程科学合作提升到包括人文社会科学、艺术学等学科的全面合作。藉《德国发展报告(2014)》发布之际,同济大学德国研究中心还召开了以"大选后的德国何去何从?"为题的学术研     

扬中德交流之帆 启乘风破浪之航——对德合作在同济大学发展中所起的重要作用

本文记述了同济大学在科研、教学和文化等方面对德合作的重大事项,分析论证了对德合作在同济大学大学发展中的重要作用.     

法国在联合国教科文组织中的软实力建构——以《保护和促进文化表现形式多样性公约》的通过为例

当今专业性国际组织在解决全球问题中的作用凸显,各国在参与专业性国际组织活动、承担国际义务的同时也将这些组织作为塑造和展示国家形象的平台。其中联合国教科文组织由于软实力要素集中是最具合法性的承担软实力建构的政府间组织。法国是世界范围内公认的具有软实力优势的西方大国,从联合国教科文组织创建伊始它便将该组织视为其软实力构建和展示的重要平台和场所。其间在该组织框架下提出"文化多样性"的理念,并酝酿和推动通过了《保护和促进文化表现形式多样性公约》。通过梳理这一理念的提出和《公约》的通过,剖析"文化国家"法国在联合国教科文组织中的软实力建构过程和方式,以期伴随着中国在联合国教科文组织中的角色身份变化,为我国在该组织中的多维度软实力建构提供有益的经验。     

"9·11"事件后美国的文化悖论

本文通过对历史事实的分析揭示了美国在"9·11"之后作为"新帝国"在一系列问题上所面临的文化矛盾其帝国地位与其基本的民主价值观之间的矛盾;美国重新审视其社会的开放性,而实行一个较为强硬的移民政策,这对美国社会的根本特点--移民性--构成威胁;总统权力扩大,行政与国会之间的权力制衡受到了挑战;在理念上,美国政府可以反恐的名义而限制公民自由,可以说限制了美国价值中的核心部分;国际恐怖主义所宣称的宗教性,以及美国文化内部的宗教冲动,使美国处于十分尴尬的文化困境.本文指出,美国所面临的种种文化悖论从表面上看源于其反恐所采取的战略,即美国不是依靠现行的国际机制采取政治的手段,而是采取先发制人的单边主义的军事手段来对付国际恐怖主义,但其深层原因则是韦伯所谓的"攫取型道德"、天赋使命感,以及普世主义的美国主义.     

约稿启事

<正>《欧洲研究》(双月刊)创刊于1983年,由中国社会科学院欧洲研究所主办,为我国独家面向国内外公开发行的专门研究欧洲问题的学术刊物。1996年以来,本刊作为国际政治类的中文核心期刊,在国内学术界和相关政府机构中享有很高的声誉。《欧洲研究》设有"国际政治经济评论"、"欧洲一体化研究"、"国别与地区"、"中国与欧洲"、"专题研究"、"书评"、"学术动态"等固定栏目。近年根据欧洲问题研究领域的拓展,又增设了"欧洲社会政策研究"、"欧洲文明研究"等栏目;为丰富文章的体裁,还新设了"研究述评"、"欧洲讲坛"等栏目。本刊所登文章内容涵盖国际政治经济问题研究、欧洲一体化研究、欧洲国别与地区问题研究、中欧关系研究等不同层面,涉及政治、经济、社会文化和国际关系等各     

La captura de los puestos públicos

Corruption is a cause of governmental inefficiency and people’s disenchantment with democracy, but it is also a result of seizing systems that have prevailed in the country in spite of everything. In the first part of this paper two approaches used to address corruption are identified and analyzed: the individualist and the bureaucratic approaches. Both of them mistakenly view corruption as a cause, as a problem among individuals that contradict social values or break rules pursuing self-benefit, and not as the result of a whole system that seizes public positions, assumptions and budgets. In the second part the paper examines the Mexican Career Civil Service -as one of the numerous institutions built in Mexico during the first decade of the 21^st century-, its dimension -as an answer to public positions seizure-, scope, obstacles and challenges.     

海外华文传媒与中国国家形象塑造

在全球化时代,海外华文传媒是在国际上树立中国形象的一个重要参与者。文章首先探讨了国家形象的涵义与特点,分析了制约中国国家形象的文化与现实因素,指出海外华文传媒在塑造中国和平发展的国家形象,改革开放、民主法制的国家形象以及负责任的大国形象等方面发挥了积极、重要的作用。文章还介绍了中国塑造自身国家形象的方式,并强调国家形象塑造的主体必定是中国自身,海外华文传媒只处于向世界真实说明中国、构建良好中国形象的附属地位。     

日本文化资源的传承与海外传播路径

日本文化资源来源复杂,但经选择性汲取、相互融合、嫁接后发展为具有特色的日本文化,日本文化的表现形式"仪式化"且仪式"精神化"、重视内心的直接体验以及注重结果的"唯美化"是日本文化的三个共性特征,而这也正是日本文化易于被民众接受并被持续传承的主要原因。只有在实现了内部的文化传承、积淀了丰富的文化资源后,才有可能进行文化的外部传播,日本文化资源在海外传播过程中,表现为"传播→反馈→再审视→提升→再传播"的路径,呈现出一种"螺旋式"的海外传播模式。     

Mixing Up

Increased interactions between groups of people through modernization may be embraced as mutually enriching or denounced as causing “negative social impacts.’ This paper is predicated on the assumption that people's perceptions of modernization projects influence their outcomes, because people resist rather than commit to negatively perceived projects. The nature of social contact brought about through modernization is a key factor in perceptions of modernization projects. Three types of social contact in a fishing joint venture between the Solomon Islands government and a Japanese company are explored in this paper: contact between men and women, between ethnic groups within Solomon Islands, and between Solomon Islanders and foreigners. Some of the criteria by which interviewees judged social contact included whether it was peaceful or caused friction, whether it caused cultural change, and whether it was hierarchical. The types of contact are discussed in terms of those criteria to reveal their varied effects on perceptions of modernization.     

Philanthropisches Handeln zu Lebzeiten und über den Tod hinaus

As the number of rich people in Germany increases, it becomes more and more relevant to ask how they spend their wealth, because among other aspects being rich can be legitimized by social commitment. For example, responsibility can be shown by financial commitment or volunteering. Academic results not only show a rising number of people that are philanthropically active but also an increase in philanthropic behavior in the last two decades. Unlike it is stated in the American literature, social commitment of wealthy people has not yet gained currency in the German literature. In addition, it is little known about inheritance to society beside family transfers after death. Based on the data of the study ??Verm?gen in Deutschland?? (ViD) (Wealth in Germany) the paper discusses these questions for the year 2008. The results reveal a considerably above-average commitment of wealthy households and people. Moreover, 41?% of all respondents plan to fund a part of their wealth for public purposes and charity.     

Challenges of globalization

In these comments on Kawamoto's paper, made during the first session of the conference on “Challenges of Globalization,” Dr. John Yeabsley of the New Zealand Institute of Economic Research draws on the experience of New Zealand to highlight some salient features of regulatory reform. He points out that the process can take a long time to complete, that the costs are complex, and that people find it hard to adjust to the idea of constant change. Dr. Yeabsley emphasizes that a redistribution of the important products of the economy and society—jobs, incomes, wealth, and prestige—is inevitable, and is a necessary part of the process, although the consequent social costs can be high and seem unfair. Intervention to mitigate the risks and social concern should not, however, be allowed to compromise the reforms.     

The Seed of Freedom: Regional Security and the Colombo Plan

Established in 1950, the Colombo Plan was a comprehensive program of foreign aid provided to South East Asian nations. In this article I argue that the Colombo Plan had a much broader political and cultural agenda, and cannot be understood from a humanitarian perspective alone. By exploring some of the cultural, ideological and political underpinnings of the scheme I illustrate that, as part of a comprehensive foreign policy, it is best understood as being motivated by international security priorities and the need to ally domestic cultural concerns. Although the Colombo Plan was inherently defensive, it also proved to be something of a progressive force which prepared the ground for a much closer relationship with (and within) the Southeast Asian region.     

TRANSLATING BANGSA MALAYSIA

This article seeks to interrogate the idea of “race,” nation, and multiculturalism in Malaysia from the perspective of cultural studies, in particular that of cultural translation and postcolonial theory. It employs the concept of cultural translation to examine the processes of cultural change and transfer both from the perspective of state policies and nationalistic discourses as well as the discourses and practices of the people. The central idea is to argue for a more flexible understanding of race identities in the move toward a conceptualizing of Malaysian-ness as a national and cultural identity that takes into account the social practices and experiences, imaginings, and expressions of the people. A reading of Yasmin Ahmad's film Sepet lends credence to the article's assertions about the emergence of trans-racial identities on the ground that contest the pedagogic stability of state-defined race identities. The article enters debates on the politics of race and identity in Malaysia through the controversial state-initiated concept of Bangsa Malaysia, which it here advances as an alternative model of multiculturalism and national belonging that effectively displaces the National Culture Policy as well as other hegemonic cultural formulations and political constructions.     

FRAGMENTED COMMUNITY AND UNCONSTRUCTIVE ENGAGEMENTS

Abstract

Since the beginning of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, the Chinese have taken major steps toward repudiating accepted ideas of the superiority of western technology and the neutrality of science. In the West, the development of science and medicine within the capitalist system has led to the monopolization of science by elites. This is not an automatic result of scientific and technological advancement, as some western sociologists will have us believe. Rather it results from capitalist relations of production. In part, the Cultural Revolution was a great struggle to put human needs in control of science and technology, including medicine. The Chinese sought to tear down the system of hierarchical relations which developed with industrialization in the West and in the Soviet Union and which threatened to overwhelm China's socialist experiment as well. This cultural revolution promoted a political ideology in which acupuncture and other form's of traditional medicine could be studied and practiced as a science on par with western medicine because they meet the needs of the people—the basis for medicine within China's socialist context.     

Cultural diplomacy: Should South Africa give it a try?

Conflicts often emanate when one society tries to enforce its own culture on others. Cultural diplomacy, as a form of diplomacy, is often an integral part of diplomatic activities of almost all states to alleviate cultural clashes and to assist cultural institutions in the dissemination of national culture. In practice, the under-deployment of cultural diplomacy very often results from false perceptions about its activities. The aim of this paper is to conceptualise the term ‘cultural diplomacy', provide a short history of its development, sketch its major functions and evaluate its importance in the process of foreign policy implementation. South Africa should diversify its diplomatic tools more effectively. Cultural diplomacy should receive more prominence by the practitioners of diplomacy and could serve as a useful means for the implementation of South African interests abroad. It could promote favourable conditions as a precursor for the effective achievement of the country's foreign policy goals.