印欧战略伙伴关系发展的新趋势初探

新冠疫情暴发后,印度同欧盟都遭受了巨大的影响,双方都在努力寻求新的合作方向。后疫情时代,印欧战略伙伴关系迎来新机遇,主要体现在四个方面:第一,全球公共卫生安全合作成为新焦点;第二,继续加强减缓气候变化负面影响方面的合作;第三,强化在印太地区的海洋安全合作;第四,全球海洋治理领域的合作成为新关切。印欧战略伙伴关系的发展不仅是一种双边关系的演进,而且折射出了国际格局的动态变化。当下,世界的不确定性和不稳定性都在增加。如何破解外部不利的战略态势,稳步推进"一带一路"倡议,事关中华民族的伟大复兴。     

欧盟推进与俄罗斯合作的情况

近年来,欧俄关系发展迅速。在今年5月31日举行的欧俄第11届首脑会议上,双方提出建立“全体欧洲人的联合欧洲”的口号,并决定建立欧俄“永久伙伴关系理事会”以取代目前的“部长合作理事会”,显示了双方发展“特殊关系”的强烈愿望。 一、欧盟的“俄罗斯观” (一)俄是欧洲稳定与安全“无法回避的重要力量”。欧盟在其1999年通过的《对俄共同战略》中明     

印度一欧盟贸易关系发展现状及其发展态势

欧盟作为世界上最大的经济体,为印度的经济发展提供了广阔的市场及发展空间,印度很重视发展与欧盟的关系,尤其是经济关系;而印度作为一个发展潜力极大的发展中国家,自然资源、人力资源极为丰富,欧盟同样需要进一步加强与印度的贸易关系。目前双方的贸易关系进展平稳,但也存在不可避免的挑战,特别是欧盟东扩后,双边贸易关系的前景面临着更多的变数。     

欧盟—拉美首届首脑会议

欧盟—拉美首届首脑会议于1999年6月28—29日在巴西里约热内卢举行。欧盟15国和拉美、加勒比地区33国的48位领导人与会。这次首脑会议是根据1995年欧盟和南方共同市场签署的建立自由贸易区框架协定和1997年第11次里约集团首脑会议签署的《亚松森声明》,由法国总统希拉克和西班牙首相阿斯纳尔倡议并得到巴西总统卡多佐的大力支持后召开的。会议签署了《里约热内卢声明》和《优先行动计划》,两份文件体现了欧盟和拉美加强两地区合作的愿望,并为21世纪的双边关系制定框架。     

欧盟对印关系初探

欧印关系近年来突飞猛进,从开启首脑对话大门到确立战略伙伴关系,相隔不过4年时间。如今,双方在政治、经济、社会领域互动频繁,经济关系发展迅猛,战略伙伴关系正在落实。作为双方关系主要塑造者的欧盟,选择印度为外交重点出于三方面原因:发展到特定阶段的自然要求、现实利益驱动和战略上的考虑。欧盟与印度建立战略伙伴关系,不仅使欧印双方得益,而且对当前世界格局产生越来越显著的影响。     

欧盟发展合作政策对印度与欧盟关系影响解析

欧盟的发展合作政策体现了欧盟对发展中国家关系的原则和指导方针。它的发展演变深受欧盟内部局势及国际政治经济格局变化的深刻影响。欧盟的发展合作政策深刻地影响了印度与欧盟关系。该政策经历了从无到有,从地区主义到全球主义的发展过程。相应地,印度与欧盟关系也经历了从边缘到战略合作伙伴关系。     

南亚区域合作联盟取得进展

进展今年5月12日——14日,由孟加拉国、不丹、印度、马尔代夫、尼泊尔、巴基斯坦和斯里兰卡七国组成的南亚地区合作联盟在马尔代夫首都马累召开第9次首脑会议,就地区合作的有关问题进行了卓有成效的会谈。与会的各国领导人就消除南亚地区普遍存在的贫困、扩大经济贸易合作、建立贸易自由区等各个领域的问题进行了广泛的磋商,取得了重要共识。会议期间,印度和巴基斯坦这两个南亚地区最大的国家还举行了总理级会谈,双方     

印度欧盟双边贸易的特点及其前景

从 2 0世纪 6 0年代印度与当时欧共体建立良好的合作关系开始 ,经过半个世纪的发展 ,印度欧盟的双边贸易发展较快。印度已经成为欧盟的主要贸易伙伴 ,同时 ,印度欧盟的双边贸易表现出进出口平衡发展、印度出口产品结构相对集中在传统初级产品、进口产品结构主要集中在机电等制成品、贸易条件不利等点。展望 2 1世纪 ,印度国内产业尤其是信息产业的发展、印度外贸体制的改善和欧盟一印度贸易投资发展项目的实施 ,都会极大地促进印度欧盟的双边贸易。     

南方共同市场与欧盟合作的战略关系分析

南方共同市场和欧盟出于经济和非经济因素的考虑,积极寻求建立跨洋、跨地区的经济联盟。近10年来双方政治和经贸关系发展迅速,虽然在双方合作进程中还存在着诸多问题,但是这些问题并不会改变双方关系的发展前景,欧盟和南方共同市场的合作对于双方不仅具有重要的经济价值,更具有十分重要的战略意义。     

论欧盟共同安全防务政策

欧盟科隆首脑会宣布防务欧洲诞生。西欧安全防务进程漫长曲折,从圣马洛倡议到法、德图卢兹首脑会议, 尤其是科隆首脑会议决议形成, 欧盟防务一体化迈出了决定性的一步。德、法、英对推动建立欧安防进程作用不可或缺; 欧盟与美及北约防务关系依然是控制与反控制的斗争。欧盟防务结构调整步骤涉及建立统一的欧洲军队、制定防务政策趋同标准和建立共同行动机制等不同阶段, 欧洲军工重组调整势在必行。共同安全防务已成欧盟今后发展一大主题。     

EU FTA negotiations with India: The question of liberalisation of public procurement

The proposed bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) between India and the European Union has thrown up many contentious issues among which public procurement is an important one. While India is reluctant to include public procurement in FTA, the European Union (EU) has been insisting that FTA without liberalisation of public procurement is not on the negotiating table. What makes India particularly attractive to the EU is not only the size of its public procurement market but also its rapidly growing economy and demand for infrastructure which presents EU firms with an opportunity to gain market access into this sector under the FTA setting. The EU is insisting on national treatment and non-discrimination as also transparency in Indian procurement system. Indian companies aspire to crack open public procurement market in the EU by entering it through the services sector. However, they are finding EU procedures for ‘data adequacy’ and policies relating to work visa difficult. India’s reluctance to negotiate government procurement under the FTA framework is also attributed partly to administrative costs required for making changes to existing framework and for establishing institutions to implement bilateral obligations. Though several deadlines have been missed, an agreement that could bring mutual benefit for both the EU and India is not out of reach.     

The European Union in the eyes of India

The multifaceted engagement between India and the European Union (EU) has grown exponentially in recent years, leading to a strategic partnership, which is one of the three that the EU has in Asia. Based on a content analysis of three prominent Indian newspapers, which were monitored on a daily basis for a period of 6 months (1 July–31 December 2009), and interviews conducted with political, business, media, and civil society “elites,” this article seeks to analyze and assess the perceptions of the EU in India.     

The EU–India strategic partnership: neither very strategic,nor much of a partnership

While formally labelled as ‘strategic’, the European Union (EU)–India partnership is more often than not described as ‘lukewarm’ and ‘reluctant’. Thus, by process-tracing the EU–India relationship, this article reveals the significance of 1999 as a crucial point that has urged both Brussels and New Delhi to significantly alter both their outlook on global life and on each other. The bilateral relationship will be shown to be a story of two actors aspiring to global prominence, who—to their mutual frustration—find themselves consigned and constrained to play a leading role only in their respective neighbourhoods. The bilateral relationship seems only to reinforce this marginalization in global affairs, as neither of the strategic partners considers the other significant enough to develop meaningful relations with them.     

抗击经济衰退：象和龙

由美国引发的经济危机已经席卷全球,无论是西方发达国家和地区如日本、欧盟,还是发展中国家如印度、中国,都已笼罩在全球经济衰退的阴影中。本文探讨作为正在崛起的亚洲大国——印度和中国,应采取怎样的措施遏制全球经济危机对本国经济造成更严重的伤害,以及印中两国如何借鉴对方在应对经济危机过程中采取的有效政策以尽快重新走上经济发展的正轨。     

Global interactions of China and India: Divergent paths of trade?

This article explores the global positions of China and India in merchandise trade. It first compares the integration models of China and India and, thereafter, examines the core factors that drive their trading relationships. With respect to their global trading partners, there are considerable differences in the influence of economic drivers of trade for China and India. Combined larger markets, similar consumer preferences, similar factor endowments and linguistic links enhance global exports from China. Alternatively, smaller market size, discrepancy in consumer demands, dissimilar factor endowments and combined stocks of foreign direct investments drive India’s global trade. The findings suggest that differences in the structure and demand of China vis-a-vis India dictate the divergence in the profile of their trade determinants. Such divergence in trade drivers, however, dissipates when taking into account Chinese and Indian partnerships on a regional basis – with East Asia, Middle East and North Africa (MENA), Latin America, European Union (EU), and Africa.     

Securitising proliferation, failing security governance: the European Union’s role in India and Pakistan’s nuclear rivalry

In 2003, the European Union declared the threat of weapons of mass destruction ‘potentially the greatest threat to our security’ and increasingly called for the issue of nuclear proliferation to be managed within its preferred multilateral security governance frameworks. In spite of this, and the increased securitisation of proliferation, the EU has fundamentally continued its historical record of failing to engage with India and Pakistan’s nuclear rivalry, and has not been able to move significantly beyond a relationship with South Asia based on trade and aid. This is deeply problematic given the regional instability posed by the Indo-Pakistani enduring rivalry, and the fact that Pakistan is not only an unstable nuclear weapons state, but has been known to harbour international terrorists and nuclear proliferators. Given these conditions, as the EU acknowledges, the stakes of failing to engage could not be higher. A deeper analysis of EU engagement, however, demonstrates that EU security governance is limited, ineffectual, inconsistent and largely perceived as neo-colonial in what is the world’s most likely nuclear flashpoint. If the EU is to be considered a global actor in security governance, a key objective of the Treaty of Lisbon, then this needs to be redressed.     

Towards an Asian security-community

The title of this paper indicates that the subject matter involves a process. It is a gradual process, step by step , since there are still many constraints: the complete normalization between China and Japan; the acceptance of the US, openly or tacit; and ASEAN's credibility, which will depend on the efforts to build the ASEAN Community. The process probably involves more than only East Asia in the geographical sense, because it would be sensible to include India, Australia and New Zealand as well. An Asian Security Community appears premature. But an extended East Asian community, which has a security component, could be a possibility. How this will unfold further will depend on how successful this regional process will be. East Asia cannot emulate the EU because it is a more diverse region than Europe, but East Asia can learn from the EU.     

2011年的缅甸:在改革中前进

2011年是缅甸政府向民选政府转型后的第一年,政治上,新的议会和政府成立后运转正常,同时继续积极推动政治改革;经济上,缅甸私有化进程加快,外贸和外资也出现了良好的增长势头;外交方面的进展尤为明显,与美国、欧盟等西方国家关系打破了僵局,与中国建立了全面战略合作伙伴关系,与印度、日本和东盟关系不断深化。     

Italy and monetary events of 1971

The many regional and intrastate wars and conflicts have contributed significantly to Africa's overall economic, political and strategic marginalisation in world affairs. The AU's new African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) is designed to provide conflict prevention, peace-keeping and peace-building on the continent, but lacks autonomy. The UN, EU, G8 countries, China and, to some extent, NATO and India are active players on the African peace and security scene and are engaged in assisting APSA's operationalisation. But the multiplicity of actors, the magnitude of resources involved and the enormity of the challenges point to the need to enhance coordination by setting up a single entry point for channeling international assistance. Having provided the most funding to date, and with its strong strategic ties with Africa and its extensive participation in other regional and global fora, the EU is best equipped to coordinate support to minimise wasteful duplication, ensure synergy in developing the APSA and implementing its mandate.