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This paper argues that the greater openness of Chilean politics to public scrutiny and the penetration of the locality by the market have made corruption a more visible phenomenon. Presenting empirical evidence collected for nearly fifty cases of allegations of municipal corruption, the paper explores the content, actors, directionality, levels of corruption and the links existing with the local political environment: partisan composition of councils, political affiliation of mayors and sources denouncing corruption. The conclusions suggest that although many accusations of corruption may correspond to particularistic claims comprehended in Chile's traditional system of political clientelism, a significant difference with the past is the inclusion of private business as a new component of an old network of political clientelism.This is a revised version of an exploratory paper delivered at the International Seminar El Estado y la prevención de la corrupción organized by the Institute of Political Science. The Catholic University of Chile with the support of the Presidential Commission on Public Ethics, held in Santiago de Chile, July 4–5, 1994. The opinions, findings and conclusions herewith included are the author's own responsibility and do not represent the official standing of any of the above mentioned institutions.  相似文献   

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Health care politics are changing. They increasingly focus not on avowedly public projects (such as building the health care infrastructure) but on regulating private behavior. Examples include tobacco, obesity, abortion, drug abuse, the right to die, and even a patient's relationship with his or her managed care organization. Regulating private behavior introduces a distinctive policy process; it alters the way we introduce (or frame) political issues and shifts many important decisions from the legislatures to the courts. In this article, we illustrate the politics of private regulation by following a dramatic case, obesity, through the political process. We describe how obesity evolved from a private matter to a political issue. We then assess how different political institutions have responded and conclude that courts will continue to take the leading role.  相似文献   

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The author completed this article while on leave as a Visiting Fellow of New College, Oxford, on a grant from the George A. and Eliza Howard Foundation of Brown University. He wishes to acknowledge his debts to these institutions as well as to Christopher Wolfe, Daniel Robinson, William C. Porth, John Finnis, and the anonymous referee, all of whom criticized earlier drafts and offered valuable suggestions.  相似文献   

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Although the governments of the United States and Japan differ markedly in racial ideology, official crime statistics in both nations reflect political arrangements which marginalize minority populations. In both nations, official crime statistics reveal more about the attempts of majority populations to label minority populations as a criminal class than about variations in criminal behavior across racial populations. While there is no racially pure Black population in the United States, there is a “black” category within official statistics, and the statistics are used to justify crime control policies which have a disparate impact on the diverse peoples who are socially‐perceived as Black. While there are undeniably non‐Japanese populations in Japan, there are no racial categories for them in official statistics which define them out of existence; except where crime statistics are concerned, so that the police can monitor the criminality of “foreigners.” In both societies, official categorization of race in crime statistics implies that crime is a minority problem; government statistics reinforce official ideology that crimes by “foreigners” and “black violence” are the real threats to civil society.  相似文献   

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The doctrine of managed competition in health care sought to achieve the social goals of access and efficiency using market incentives and consumer choice rather than governmental regulation and public administration. In retrospect, it demanded too much from both the public and the private sectors. Rather than develop choice-supporting rules and institutions, the public sector has promoted process regulation and benefit mandates. The private health insurance sector has pursued short-term profitability rather than cooperate in the development of fair competition and informed consumer choice. Purchasers have subsidized inefficient insurance designs in order to exploit tax and regulatory loopholes and to retain an image of corporate paternalism. America's health care system suffers from the public abuse of private interests and the private abuse of the public interest.  相似文献   

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Disaster by Design: Corruption, Construction and Catastrophe   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
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Abstract

This article explores current societal framings and understandings of sexual violence, particularly child sexual abuse. The article starts by explaining how societal perceptions of child sexual abuse are formed through implicit and explicit theories, followed by a brief examination of media, professional and public understandings of child sexual abuse. This is then compared to research-based knowledge on sexual violence and child sexual abuse in particular. A public health approach is presented as a critical way of engaging communities, publics and society in an informed discourse about child sexual abuse, with a view to increasing both understanding and engagement. Finally, the article will posit the hypothesis that with recent news stories, such as the Jimmy Savile case in the UK and the Penn State case in the USA, organisations and individuals are beginning to ask for more information, trying to ask harder questions and this presents a unique opportunity to fully engage with the emerging public health approach of change.  相似文献   

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This paper gives first an explanation for therapid development of Closed Circuit Television (CCTV)throughout Britain. This considers the implicationsof its rapid proliferation on the geographies ofpublic space and highlights the selectivity of thegaze of the surveillance cameras and the consequentpotential for the exclusion of certain groups frompublic space. The paper then extends this by usingresearch from two rural towns to address three basicquestions: how the cameras are used for direct lawenforcement; how this use is governed; and how thepublic react to the use of CCTV. It concludes that bystressing the selectivity of the surveillance anddrawing the implications of this for enforcement andgovernance, and also stressing the extent to which theplacing and timing of the use of the cameras fails toreflect the revealed preferences of the communitiesinvolved.  相似文献   

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