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This article examines the relationship between political institutions and interest group behavior within the context of developing countries, taking Argentina as an example. More specifically, it tries to explore the relationship between the decay of weak governmental institutions and the development of strong distributional coalitions following Mancur Olson's theory of interest group behavior. While integrating the findings of previous works by political scientists and economists, this article advances an explanation that links institutional weaknesses with the failure of Argentina's main distributional coalitions to develop collective action. Lastly, the study analyzes the recent economic reforms of the Menem administration and their impact on the process of democratic consolidation. Drawing upon the theoretical and empirical discussion presented, the article argues that, contrary to the opinion of many pundits, such reforms are likely to strengthen the socioeconomic power of a select number of distributional coalitions. Thus serious doubts exist about the prospects of institution-building in Argentina in the long-run. Reprinted fromInstitutions, Parties, And Coalitions In Argentine Politics, by Luigi Manzetti, by permission of the University of Pittsburgh Press.  相似文献   

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Select responses to the January 2001 uprising against the government of President Josef 'Erap' Estrada in the Philippines demonstrate a great deal about certain contradictions and paradoxes implicit in neoliberal conceptions of democratic governance. This paper presents a critique of these conceptions, based on a radical democratic outlook. Dubbed EDSA II - given its location at the same place as the 1986 Epifanio de los Santos uprising against President Ferdinand Marcos - the uprising resulted in Estrada's replacement by Gloria Macapagal Arroyo and a different faction of the Philippine political elite. Despite never seriously threatening the hold and influence of traditional political elites in the Philippines, the uprising was criticised by some Western commentators. Their criticisms were founded on mistaken interpretations of events and are a reflection of these commentators' increasing reluctance to endorse any forms of popular political mobilisation and resistance. Their reluctance is a reflection of their neoliberal conception of democratic governance, which privileges the building of institutions to promote market efficiency over issues of power and social change.  相似文献   

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While US government agencies endorse and support the democratic potential of the internet and social media overseas, the criticisms of the WikiLeaks disclosures of US diplomatic cables reveal the bias in relation to transparency and democracy. This poses a wider problem of connectivity combined with hegemony. This paper discusses what the criticisms of the WikiLeaks disclosures reveal. After discussing the enthusiasm about ‘hyper-connectivity’, the paper turns to the WikiLeaks disclosures, and next spells out global ramifications of the leaked cables, the problems of transparency and hegemony, frictions between democracy and democratisation, and the role of banks blocking donations to WikiLeaks.  相似文献   

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This paper studies reproductive behaviour (ideal family size, completed family size and family planning acceptance) in a rural Indian area which was rapidly industrialising. Two castes and eleven villages were sampled. It was found that family planning was quite common and that fertility differentials among couples were related to the couples’ unique socioeconomic characteristics as well as to two group level variables (caste and village). The latter result was shown to be statistically significant, for all three measures of reproductive behaviour, even after many unique socioeconomic characteristics and attitudes of each couple were accounted for statistically.  相似文献   

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After the period of hyperinflation (1989, 1990) the Argentine economy stabilized and most of public companies were privatized. The return on investments was concentrated on promoting the technological change which adopts two basic forms: systemic modernization and revamping of existing teams.

The first variant -ilustrated by the national telephone network- makes obsolete the knowledge accumulated during the period when the company was public. To confront the structural deficiency of knowledge and experience which result, the private operators invest massively in transfering educational technologies and in the development of costly and sofisticated internal systems of training, while they negotiate numerous and various agreements of cooperation with educational system institutions, public as well as private.

In the second variant - illustrated by a steel and metallurgic company - the preexisting knowledge continues being necessary even though it may need a vis-a-vis updating facing the new demands which are stated referring to the productivity, quality, effectiveness and productive efficiency in markets which are open to competition.

Taking into account the significant achievements which are being obtained by this second alternative of modernization - most of the privatized companies fall into this pattern- the article invites to a reopening of the old debate on technological blending.  相似文献   

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Although the state of Kerala in India has been regarded as a 'model of development', its achievements may be unravelling thanks to a host of internal and external problems. The government and the bureaucracy now project tourism as 'an engine of growth'--an excellent source of foreign exchange and employment--to revive the local economy. Opposition to large-scale tourism projects by environmental and labour activists is often dealt with through undemocratic means. This article points to a less than sanguine role for tourism in the local economy and the dynamics that work to exaggerate tourism's share in the economy in an emerging context of governmental failure, political crisis and interest group consolidation. Lessons are drawn to revisit the debate on tourism and development.  相似文献   

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One of the most influential themes in contemporary public administration is the focus on professionalism. As Dwight Waldo has argued, public administration should act as if it were a profession even if there is hardly any chance of becoming one. This article will explore the pedagogical implications of the ideology of professionalism on education, and how it has impacted the intellectual development of the field. It will be argued that the intellectual baggage of professionalism poses critical challenges to the meaning and substantive purpose of public administration.  相似文献   

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The participatory innovations of the last few decades, particularly in Latin America, seem to suggest that the establishment of more participatory democracies is possible. However, limitations have characterized important participatory experiences. While the Bolivian, Ecuadorian, and Venezuelan attempts to promote popular participation have produced both positive and negative effects, some of these participatory experiences’ limitations are useful to highlight more general problems and contradictions that seem to be inherently associated with the establishment of participatory democracy in poorly functioning liberal democracies and in exclusionary and unequal societies. This analysis suggests that, paradoxically, the establishment of effective and inclusive participatory institutions may be less feasible where participatory mechanisms appear, at first glance, as most needed and promising.  相似文献   

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Although the global financial crisis is deepening and becoming increasingly unresponsive to ‘management’, most academic analysts still give priority to the technical aspects of the problem, while governments continue to act as though solutions can be found that will result in a return to ‘normality’. Such functional approaches may be necessary for understanding elements of the crisis and dealing with immediate issues, but are insufficient in the context of what is now revealing itself as a systemic failure: a process that is negatively affecting the economy and society, obliging people to give greater consideration to the kind of world in which they live. This article will seek to address the shift from objective problem to subjective question by examining the political economy of the crisis and the ensemble of factors, ideology, the history of deregulation and politics as well as technical matters, which have led us to this juncture.  相似文献   

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This article explores how contradictory development tendencies within Brazil’s primary sector have contributed to the country’s enduring political crisis. I show that President Rousseff, when dealing with declining royalty payments from natural resource exports and a decrease in tax revenue from imports, financed social policies in ways that her opponents branded as unconstitutional to remove her from power. After documenting the central players within the political crisis, namely those who have been under investigation in Operação Lava Jato (Operation Car Wash), I illustrate how the ongoing corruption scandals plaguing Brazil have their roots in the country’s raw material export industries.  相似文献   

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