共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 31 毫秒
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Marc Bühlmann Wolfgang Merkel Lisa Müller Bernhard Weßels 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2008,49(1):114-122
Ohne Zusammenfassung
* Die vier Autor(inn)en arbeiten in einem gemeinsamen Forschungsprojekt des NCCR Democracy (vom Schweizerischen Nationalfonds
finanziertes National Centre of Competence in Research: Challenges to Democracy in the 21st Century) und des WZB an einem „Demokratiebarometer“ für die 30 OECD-Staaten, das die Ignoranz der 0-Varianz bei Polity und Freedom House aufkl?ren will.
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Marc Bühlmann (Corresponding author)Email: |
Wolfgang MerkelEmail: |
Lisa MüllerEmail: |
Bernhard We?elsEmail: |
3.
This paper argues that the views of Charles Taylor on justice in income and wealth distribution are fallacious, especially
in regard to issues such as private property rights, justice, human rights, and theft. As to this last point, Taylor maintains
it is possible, under certain circumstances, to “legitimately steal.” We regard this as a philosophical howler of the first
order. We also demur from his contention that equity and equality can be used as synonyms.
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Walter BlockEmail: |
4.
Martin Mennecke 《Human Rights Review》2007,8(4):319-339
More than sixty years after the seminal Nuremberg trials, different forms of transitional justice mechanisms abound around
the world. Above all, the International Criminal Court started recently the hearings in its very first case. Reading the document
containing the charges against Thomas Lubanga Dyilo, a militia leader accused of horrendous war crimes committed in the Democratic
Republic of Congo, the question of why to punish perpetrators of atrocity crimes seems almost ludicrous. However, concerns
that international prosecutions inadvertently prolong or even exacerbate conflicts do require a response. Most proponents
of international criminal tribunals argue that prosecutions have a deterrent effect. This article reviews the deterrence argument,
highlights its inherent complexities, and proposes a refined approach to meet both the realities of atrocity crimes and international
prosecutions.
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Martin MenneckeEmail: |
5.
Brad K. Blitz 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(1):123-135
In anticipation of Croatia’s accession to the European Union, this article assesses the way in which the state has come to
terms with the Serbian question and the practice of non-discrimination in the justice sector. The first part offers an historical
review of the Serbian question in Croatia and the main laws that discriminated against non-Croats during the war and rule
of President Franjo Tudjman (1991–1999). The second part evaluates the nature of judicial reform in light of the external
demands placed on Croatia to improve relations with the Serbian minority and recent rulings from the European Court of Human
Rights, which have questioned the capacity of the Croatian judiciary to provide an effective remedy in cases of human rights
violations.
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Brad K. BlitzEmail: |
6.
The authors comment on an earlier aritice in Society by Eugene Goodheart and offer a novel hypothesis about the origins of
religion.
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Lionel Tiger (Corresponding author)Email: |
7.
Gwyneth C. McClendon 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(3):349-372
International criminal tribunals are weak institutions, especially since they do not have their own police forces to execute
arrest warrants. Understandably then, much of the existing literature has focused exclusively on pressure from major powers
and on changing domestic politics to explain the apprehension of suspected war criminals. In contrast, this article turns
attention back to the tribunals themselves. I propose three ways in which the activities of international criminal tribunals
impact compliance with arrest warrants: through the selection of individuals to indict, demonstrated leniency on some suspects
and outreach to domestic legal professionals. Using a duration model that accounts for sample selection and data collected
on the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda, I test
these theories alongside other existing explanations. I find that court activities can have an independent effect on the successful
implementation of international criminal law.
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Gwyneth C. McClendonEmail: |
8.
James Kurth 《Society》2007,44(6):120-125
America and Europe have had very different religious experiences, and these differences have continuing consequences. In America,
the preponderance of Reform Protestantism gave rise to religious and political pluralism, a religious marketplace, and the
continuing vitality of the churches. In Europe, the dominance of state churches gave rise to the eventual rejection of these
churches and religions when the traditional political and social authorities were rejected, particularly by the Generation
of 1968. However, Europe’s extreme secularization has rendered it confused and ineffective in dealing with the new religious
challenge posed by Muslim immigrant communities.
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James KurthEmail: |
9.
Bruce Western 《Society》2007,44(5):30-36
The US imprisonment rate increased fivefold in the three decades from 1975 to 2005. Growth in the scale of criminal punishment
was linked partly to a more punitive politics that repudiated the goal of rehabilitation, and partly to the collapse of economic
opportunity for young unskilled men in inner cities. The growth of the penal system produced extraordinary rates of incarceration
among recent cohorts of young black men with little schooling. We can understand the growth of incarceration to produce and
erosion of citizenship among young black men, weakening the web of mutual obligation that defines full membership in American
society.
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Bruce WesternEmail: |
10.
David Popenoe 《Society》2009,46(5):429-436
Non-marital cohabitation has become widespread in modern, Western nations. It has led to dramatic declines in marriage rates
and contributed to high levels of unwed births and lone-parent families, thus negatively affecting child wellbeing.
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David PopenoeEmail: |
11.
Valerie Oosterveld 《Human Rights Review》2009,10(1):73-98
Serious gender-based crimes were committed against women and girls during Sierra Leone’s decade-long armed conflict. This
article examines how the Special Court for Sierra Leone has approached these crimes in its first four judgments. The June
20, 2007 trial judgment in the Armed Forces Revolutionary Council case assists international criminal law’s limited understanding
of the crime against humanity of forced marriage, but also collapses evidence of that crime into the war crime of outrages
upon personal dignity. The February 22, 2008 appeals judgment attempts to correct this misstep. In contrast, the August 2,
2007 trial judgment in the Civil Defence Forces case is virtually silent on crimes committed against women and girls, although
the May 28, 2008 appeals judgment attempts to partially redress this silence. This article concludes that the four judgments,
considered together, raise the specter that the Special Court could potentially fail to make a significant progressive contribution
to gender-sensitive transitional justice.
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Valerie OosterveldEmail: |
12.
Wilfred M. McClay 《Society》2008,45(5):403-405
Whatever else the 2008 presidential election may result in, we can be sure that it will only contribute further to the steadily
declining role of political parties in American politics, and the myriad negative consequences arising from that decline.
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Wilfred M. McClayEmail: |
13.
In the 1940s, leading public intellectuals established a commission to reform the American press. Many of them initially favored
heavy regulation of newspapers and other media. Though the men failed to change the press, their report lives on in schools
of journalism.
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Stephen BatesEmail: |
14.
Marta Selinger 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(1):15-27
The protection of rights of freedom of speech and assembly for gays and lesbians in Poland has come under greater international
scrutiny because of the mismanagement of peaceful demonstrations throughout Poland in 2005. An overview and context of the
political, economic, and social transformation of Poland in the 1990s shows a flourish of activity among gays and lesbians
as the economic and political spheres open, as well as weaker law enforcement during the rapid change to capitalism and democracy.
Although society has opened dramatically and tolerance has grown recently, the concept of protecting minority rights for gays
and lesbians in Poland continues to be weak in public opinion, laws, and the top sources of opinion.
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Marta SelingerEmail: |
15.
Laura Ymayo Tartakoff 《Society》2008,45(4):363-367
A law school dean, a university president, a scholarly judge, and the head of the Foreign Ministry division in charge of Chile’s
frontiers agree: The Constitution of 1980 was the initial turning point in Chile’s transition from autocracy to pluralism.
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Laura Ymayo TartakoffEmail: |
16.
Dean MacCannell 《Society》2008,45(4):334-337
Critics of the concept fail to note that staged authenticity is not authenticity but its opposite or negation. This error is illustrated referencing Ed Bruner’s reading of The Tourist in his recent book Culture on Tour.
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Dean MacCannellEmail: |
17.
Peter Skerry 《Society》2008,45(1):46-52
The situations of nineteenth century dock workers and today’s immigrant day laborers bear striking similarities and challenges,
especially for those seeking to organize them into labor unions. The obstacles confronting such organizing efforts also underscore
the legitimate concerns many Americans have about the threats to social order posed by immigrants today.
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Peter SkerryEmail: |
18.
Karl Popper’s equation of the closed society with tribalism is reviewed and modified. The German origins of the anthropological
concept of culture and its related ideas of the folk culture and cultural relativism are explored. The vicissitudes of the
idea of The Folk and its swing from Right to Left are related to contemporary neo-primitivism. The open society and high culture
are defended.
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Robin FoxEmail: |
19.
James F. Guyot 《Society》2008,45(6):529-533
Women advance more rapidly in the appointive executive and judicial branches than in the elected legislative branch at both
national and state levels. Demand side and supply side factors explain much of this. In particular, greater male variability
restricts the opportunity for gender equity.
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James F. GuyotEmail: |
20.
Jon A. Shields 《Society》2009,46(3):224-226
Conservative, and particularly religious opponents of enhancement technologies and of prolonging life indefinitely face formidable
challenges from policymakers who are largely liberated from any forms of Christian moral consensus. This is the predicament
of Daniel Callahan and others who are unable to translate their inescapably religious objections in secular terms.
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Jon A. ShieldsEmail: |