Governing ghostbots

This article discusses the legal implications of a novel phenomenon, namely, digital reincarnations of deceased persons, sometimes known as post-mortem avatars, deepfakes, replicas, holographs, or chatbots. To elide these multiple names, we use the term 'ghostbots'. The piece is an early attempt to discuss the potential social and individual harms, roughly grouped around notions of privacy (including post-mortem privacy), property, personal data and reputation, arising from ghostbots, how they are regulated and whether they need to be adequately regulated further. For reasons of space and focus, the article does not deal with copyright implications, fraud, consumer protection, tort, product liability, and pornography laws, including the non-consensual use of intimate images (‘revenge porn’). This paper focuses on law, although we fully acknowledge and refer to the role of philosophy and ethics in this domain.We canvas two interesting legal developments with implications for ghostbots, namely, the proposed EU Artificial Intelligence (AI) Act and the 2021 New York law amending publicity rights to protect the rights of celebrities whose personality is used in post-mortem ‘replicas’. The latter especially evidences a remarkable shift from the norm we have chronicled in previous articles of no respect for post-mortem privacy to a growing recognition that personality rights do need protection post-mortem in a world where pop stars and actors are routinely re-created using AI. While the legislative motivation here may still be primarily to protect economic interests, we argue it also shows a concern for dignitary and privacy interests.Given the apparent concern for the appropriation of personality post-mortem, possibly in defiance or ignorance of what the deceased would have wished, we propose an early solution to regulate the rise of ghostbots, namely an enforceable ‘do not bot me’ clause in analogue or digital wills.     

Governing after the Rights Revolution

In this paper I explore the relevance of neo-republican thinking for current debates in constitutional law. In particular, I am interested in how deliberative forms of law and democracy might be grounded in real-world institutional contexts. My thesis is that the neo-republican model, underpinned as it is by the values of equality, participation, and accountability, has both explanatory and critical potential when exploring the voices, spaces, and processes of constitutionalism. I test this argument with reference to constitutional change in Northern Ireland. It is evident that equality is the core value in the settlement reached but it is in the combination of values that the potential and tensions will arise in the future. The provisions of the Northern Ireland Act 1998 on equality are useful examples of how law might be shaped to include the voices of affected groups in the process of enforcing change in public administration. Law's role in this process is, however, more problematic than is often assumed. In this, and in other aspects of the settlement, there are lessons for others who are presently reflecting on the constitutional future in the new devolutionary contexts.     

论依法治国与党的执政方式的转变

经过多年的探索与努力,面对执政方式因体制不完善所造成的诸多问题,党逐步认识到法律的重要性以及依法建构执政体系的必要性。在实现执政方式转变的过程中,依法治国方略的提出不仅是执政方式转变的前提与基础,也是依法执政方式贯彻与落实的思想保障。同时,执政方式的转变不仅体现出党实现依法治国方略的决心与魄力,也体现着依法治国方略在我党执政方式上的具体要求与实行。而树立法律权威则是依法治国与党的执政方式转变的最高原则。     

公众共用物的治理模式

公众共用物本身无所谓悲剧或喜剧,由人类推动的公众共用物运动好比人类演出的一幕戏剧,有时表现为悲剧,有时表现为喜剧,有时表现为悲喜剧,而关键是我们人类对它的态度和行为方式。公众共用物治理的单一模式是:针对第一种公众共用物悲剧问题,依据第一种公众共用物悲剧产生的机理,建构防治第一种公众共用物悲剧的理论,采取将具有非排他性的公众共用物转变为具有排他性的物权或财产权的客体的经典方法,通过将公众共用物私有财产化或国有财产化的途径,或运用市场调整机制,或运用行政调整机制解决第一类公众共用物悲剧。公众共用物治理的综合模式是:从公众共用物的状况、人的各种需求和两种公众共用物悲剧等实际情况出发,依据公众共用物的特点及两种公众共用物悲剧产生的机理,建构公众共用物可持续利用和防治两种公众共用物悲剧的理论,对不同状况的公众共用物,分别采取或维持公众共用物性质不变或将公众共用物转变为具有排他性的产权或物权客体等方法,综合运用三只手(三种调整机制)或多元调整机制和调整方法,防治两种公众共用物悲剧和反公众共用物悲剧,实现公众共用物的功能、作用和喜剧,促进公众共用物的可持续供给与利用。     

民主政治下的为民之道——对政治、行政及其关系的一个分析

在现代化进程中,处理传统方式与现代方式之间的关系,更为合理的思路在于,在现代方式的主导下,容纳并发挥传统方式的长处,而不是相反。由此,就政治、行政及其关系而言,民主政治下的为民之道、价值主导下的治理逻辑、程序机制下的服务意识,应该成为中国政治和法律发展的一种可取方向。     

Liberal Forms of Governing Australian Indigenous Peoples

This article considers three different historical events from the point of view of their connections to aspects of the history of liberal political reason: the actions of the British in New South Wales in the early nineteenth century in their claim to sovereignty over Indigenous lands; the establishment of Aboriginal missions and subsequent removal of Aboriginal children in the early twentieth century; and the Northern Territory Emergency Response and suspension of the Australian Commonwealth Racial Discrimination Act (1975) early in the twenty‐first century. The aim is to point to gaps between present claims about liberalism and ‘actual existing liberalism’, review the basis for examining accounts of governance deploying ‘authoritarian liberalism’ and ‘race war’ as central concepts, and call into question the Northern Territory campaign as an ‘exceptional’ event.     

Governing crime and violence in Latin America

ABSTRACT

The last two decades turned Latin America into one of the most violent regions in the world. While previously, violence in the region has predominantly been associated with state repression and military dictatorships, the “new violence” that emerged since the mid-1990s is predominantly criminal. Related research has been mostly problem-driven, implying that the focus has been on how to improve security governance in the region. The multiple ways in which governance itself is both shaped by as well as contributing to the pervasiveness of this “new violence,” has remained uncharted. This article offers an analytical framework, inspired by the literature on governance, for assessing this issue. To this end, it highlights different modes and instances of governance with, by, and through crime (and violence) in the region. In doing so, the article offers a contextualization for this special issue as well as an overarching analytical framework for the individual contributions.     

论国际债券的自体法

国际债券的发行主体多种多样 ,发售过程也比较复杂 ,而且其交易往往涉及诸多涉外因素 ,因此 ,从国际私法的角度研究国际债券的法律选择及适用具有理论和实践双重意义。本文从国际债券的定义切入 ,剖析国际债券在实务中法律选择的自由和效力 ,并通过考察国际债券中各参与者之间的特殊法律关系 ,探讨了国际债券自体法的一般适用及其在消极担保、信托契约以及时效等特殊问题上的适用。     

论社会转型中的社区管治与社区警务

我国现阶段的社会转型对社区管治与社区警务产生着深刻的影响,使社区的管治环境、人际关系、管治方式和治安生态发生了重大变化。在对社区实施的政府管理与居民自治中,政府管理是主导,需要通过完善的居民自治才能最大限度地发挥管理作用;居民自治是基础,只有在政府引领下才能充分实现自治功能。社会转型期的社区警务活动,应当立足社区履行公安社会管理职能,充分利用社区资源改善警务运行条件,建立和谐警民关系为社区建设提供治安保障。     

依法治国和依规治党有机统一的逻辑解读

"依法治国和依规治党有机统一"是党对依法治国和依规治党关系的全新认识,其本质是关于二者内部多重关系的厘清、衔接和整合.具体而言,二者有机统一的逻辑可以从三个层次进行解读:首先是在党和依法治国的关系中,党领导着依法治国的全过程,具体体现在立法、司法和执法等环节之中,而在依法治国的过程中也需要不断强化党的领导、支持和监督作...     

坚持依规治党

坚持依规治党,事关党长期执政和国家长治久安。在新时代中国特色社会主义战略布局中,依规治党是党的领导与党的建设、管党治党与制度建设、治理与法治、党内法规与国家法律等若干重大主题的交汇点,一通百顺、一堵百塞。坚持依规治党,要学习贯彻习近平依规治党思想,治党必依党规、党规必成体系、立规必重质量、执规必动真格,全方位推进党内法规制度建设。     

Governing digital societies: Private platforms,public values

Online digital platforms have deeply penetrated every sector in society, disrupting markets, labor relations and institutions, while transforming social and civic practices. Moreover, platform dynamics have affected the very core of democratic processes and political communication. After a decade of platform euphoria, in which tech companies were celebrated for empowering ordinary users, problems have been mounting over the past three years. Disinformation, fake news, and hate speech spread via YouTube, Twitter, and Facebook poisoned public discourse and influenced elections. The Facebook—Cambridge Analytica scandal epitomized the many privacy breaches and security leaks dogging social media networks. Further compounded by charges of tax evasion and the undermining of fair labor laws, big tech companies are facing a serious ‘techlash’. As some argued, the promotion of longstanding public values such as tolerance, democracy, and transparency are increasingly compromised by the global ‘exports’ of American tech companies which dominate the online infrastructure for the distribution of online cultural goods: news, video, social talk, and private communication (Geltzer & Gosh, 2018). As extensively discussed in our book ‘The Platform Society: Public Values in a Connected World’, the digitization and ‘platformization’ of societies involve several intense struggles between competing ideological systems and their contesting actors, prompting important questions: Who should be responsible for anchoring public values in platform societies that are driven by algorithms and fueled by data? What kind of public values should be negotiated? And how can European citizens and governments guard certain social and cultural values while being dependent on a platform ecosystem which architecture is based on commercial values and is rooted in a neolibertarian world view?     

债权双重让与优先权论

<正>现代交易的发展,不仅使以实物为对象的交易形式呈多元化趋势,也使具有财产利益的债权成为日常交易的客体。与之相适应,债权让与制度便应运而生。这一制度的确立与发展,对现代市场经济的发展起到了积极的促进作用。通过立法规范和鼓励债权让与已成为各国民事立法的共同特点。我国《合同法》借鉴国外先进的立法经验,就债权让与作出了较为合理详尽的规定。但仍存在较多疏漏,其中之一,即未对债权被双重让与或多重让与(以下简称为双重让与)的情形下,哪一受让人取得债权的问题进行规定,这是一亟待填补的法律漏洞。理论界在探讨其解决方案时,学者间存在争议,多数学者引用合同法起草过程中的“专家建议稿”第83条,作为确定由何人优先取得债权依据,另有学者     

论服务型政府的法治架构

建设服务型政府是我国政府既定的行政改革目标。在依法治国成为国家治理方略的背景下,我们大力建设的服务型政府必然是法治政府,必然是致力于全面推进依法行政的政府。因此,我们必须注重提高行政立法质量,推进行政执法改革,完善行政监督,使服务型政府建设在法治的轨道上有序推进。