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Polly Corrigan 《欧亚研究》2020,72(1):117-131
AbstractAfter the deluge of archival declassification that took place following the collapse of the Soviet Union, historians of Soviet society, and of the political police in particular, are still denied access to the FSB archives in Russia. However, a combination of political turmoil and military conflict has led to the opening of the entire archives of other Soviet-era political police services. This article will discuss why research into the Soviet political police remains critically important, examine the opening of the archives in Georgia and Ukraine, and explain what these archives contain and how to use them. Finally, possibilities for new areas of research are explored. 相似文献
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外国政党塑造自身公众形象的动因及做法 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
政党的公众形象是指党展现给公众的风貌和公众对其一种综合性、整体性的印象和评价。政党的公众形象是衡量公众信任度和支持度的重要尺码,也是构成政党政治影响力的重要指标,关系着政党的政治前途和命运。 相似文献
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Turkey’s experience with economic reforms and democratization since the early 1980s underscores the importance of the political
parties and the party systems in the interactions between these two processes. The country’s experience with democratic politics
and a multiparty system made a significant contribution to the resumption of electoral politics and redemocratization following
three years of military rule in the early 1980s. However, the opening up of the political space and the reemergence of competitive
party politics ultimately created problems for the successful completion of the economic reforms, as one-party dominance and
majority-party governments gave way to fragmentation in the party system with weak coalition governments. The Turkish case
is instructive of the difficulties facing countries that seek to simultaneously consolidate their democracies and liberalize
their economies.
Sabri Sayari is executive director of the Institute of Turkish Studies and research professor at Georgetown University’s School
of Foreign Service. He has written extensively on Turkey’s domestic politics and foreign policy, and on issues related to
political development, parties and party systems, and democratization. 相似文献
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Lina Klymenko 《欧亚研究》2020,72(5):815-836
Abstract In 2014–2016, the central Ukrainian city of Poltava witnessed the demolition of a Lenin monument and the construction of a monument dedicated to the Ukrainian Cossack hetman Ivan Mazepa. Taking this alteration of the cityscape as a case study, this article examines the change and continuity of political order in post-communist Ukraine in general, and in post-Maidan Ukraine specifically. By investigating the contested meanings of monuments in the city, the article uncovers various ethnonational, religious, political and gender-specific features of Ukrainian society. In so doing, it builds upon the scholarly literature that investigates the symbolic role of monuments in political transformation and draws on a range of data sources including the observation of monuments, policy documents and media coverage. 相似文献
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戴隆斌 《当代世界与社会主义》2006,(6):121-126
俄罗斯开始政治经济转轨后,政坛上先后出现了很多共产主义性质的政党。这些政党经过十多年的风风雨雨,有的停止了活动,有的影响日渐衰微。究其原因,是多方面的。现在尚存的一些共产主义性质的政党,面临各种问题与挑战,要想在短时间内崛起是不可能的。 相似文献
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The suicide rates of the 24 provinces (oblasts) of the Ukraine were found to be strongly associated with indices of social disintegration (such as divorce and illegitimacy rates), with the Western provinces incorporated in the USSR later than other Ukrainian territories having lower suicide rates and lower levels of social disintegration. 相似文献
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金秋的北京,气候宜人,在明媚清爽的美好环境中,迎来了第三届亚洲政党国际会议的隆重召开.应会议东道主中国共产党的邀请,来自于34国80个政党的300多名代表从地域广阔的亚洲等地区汇集中国北京.9月3日,第三届亚洲政党国际会议拉开帷幕,中共中央政治局委员、书记处书记、会议组委会主任刘云山主持开幕式,中共中央政治局常委、国家副主席、会议组委会名誉主任曾庆红发表题为"扩大亚洲政党交流促进地区共同发展"的发言.当晚,中共中央总书记、国家主席胡锦涛在人民大会堂会见各国政党代表团,并在欢迎宴会上致词.会议期间,各国政党代表围绕着"交流、合作、发展"的主题各抒己见. 相似文献
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Nadege Ragaru 《Nationalities Papers》2013,41(2):293-324
Since 1991, the absence of the concept of a Ukrainian nation and national identity has led to a controversial, often ambivalent process of identity formation. The aim of this paper is to analyze and map the widely shared concepts about national identity that exist in Ukrainian society after 20 years of independence. Analysis of 43 interviews with Ukrainian political and intellectual elites reveals five different shared narratives: (1) dual identity; (2) being pro-Soviet; (3) a fight for Ukrainian identity; (4) a recognition of Ukrainian identity; and (5) a multicultural-civic concept. Each narrative is characterized by three main features: a coherent structure with strong internal logic and justification of its legitimacy; connection to a specific conception of power and morality; and an opposition to other narratives. All these features lead to the perception of society as a zero-sum game where one narrative must prevail over all others. At the same time, all these features ensure that there can be neither an overwhelming victory of one narrative over others nor a satisfying compromise between them. The results shed light on the complex process of narrative construction of identity and power in newly independent states. 相似文献
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《Communist and Post》1999,32(1):23-44
This paper examines the passage of a new constitution in Ukraine in order to determine which factors contribute to the establishment of a stable separation of powers system at the national level. We focus on three types of factors: legacies of the past; the structure of institutions at key time periods; and the nature of dynamics between political groups. We find that while all of these factors play some role in the evolving institutional arrangements in Ukraine, negative legacies of the past can be overcome by the decisions of new political groups and the creation of new institutional arrangements. 相似文献
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Sanshiro Hosaka 《欧亚研究》2019,71(4):551-578
AbstractThis article attempts to measure the multilayered, diverse historical memories of contemporary Ukrainians, drawing on a cluster analysis of nationwide survey data collected after the Euromaidan. A significant minority of Ukrainian citizens still gravitate toward Soviet–Russian narratives. These are not merely copies of those embraced in Russia, however; they include ambivalent ‘hybrid’ feelings of nostalgia for the Soviet Union while supporting Ukraine's independence. This article argues that historical memories of Ukrainians in the southern and eastern regions are amorphous and heterogeneous, and that the architects of the Novorossiya project failed to distinguish Soviet nostalgia from Ukrainophobia and separatist grievances. 相似文献