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Abstract This article, which is based on a focused synthesis of a range of historical, political, policy, regulatory and other factors, proposes a normative policy model for community radio broadcasting in Zambia. It starts with a historical analysis of the factors that have influenced the development of community radio broadcasting in the country, particularly in the period before and after 1991. It is argued that community radio broadcasting in Zambia is largely reflective of the state-centric policy-making regime. This policy-making regime is itself a legacy of British colonialism. The policy proposal put forward in this article is informed by the assumptions of the group and organised anarchy models of policy-making and seeks to promote community radio broadcasting in terms of its vision, regulatory structures, funding, training, technology, production of local content and research. 相似文献
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酋长制度是非洲一项传统的政治制度。赞比亚独立后保留了酋长制度,通过对酋长的权力进行限制和改造,将酋长纳入了国家现代政治管理的框架中,并让酋长在特定范围内发挥他们的传统权威作用,为赞比亚现代社会发展服务。酋长制度在现代赞比亚得到保留,权力受到限制与削弱,同时在现代文明的影响下酋长的面貌出现了许多新变化。酋长制度在现代赞比亚得以保留并继续发挥作用,有深刻的历史和现实原因。在现代赞比亚,酋长依然是国家政治生活中的一支重要力量,掌管着本地的公共事务和土地管理分配权。酋长制度作为赞比亚传统文化的符号和象征对经济发展起一定的促进作用,更重要的是,酋长制度能够促进赞比亚民族国家的整合。因此,酋长制度作为传统因素能够为赞比亚的现代社会发展提供动力。 相似文献
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《International Understanding》2010,(4)
<正>At the invitation of the House of Chiefs of Zambia, University of the Witwatersrand and the Nelson Mandela Foundation, a 5-member CAFIU delegation headed by Deputy Secretary-General Bai Hongkui visited Zambia and South Africa from Oct. 相似文献
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《International Understanding》2010,(4):53-56
At the invitation of the House of Chiefs of University of the Witwatersrand and the Zambia, Nelson Mandela Foundation, a 5-member CAFIU delegation headed by Deputy Secretary-General Bai Hongkui visited Zambia and South Africa from Oct. 31 to Nov. 8, 2010. During the visit, 相似文献
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Garba PK 《Development in Practice》1999,9(1-2):130-141
In Nigeria women's empowerment is essential to improving their standard of living and protecting their right to participate fully in development. More effective strategies are needed for women to participate in decision making. There are both static and dynamic aspects of the concept of empowerment. The former may lead to exogenous power strategies, while the latter may lead to endogenous empowerment facilitated by the dynamic concept that regards empowerment as a bottom-up process that develops the capacity of individuals. This process can be accomplished in six stages that encompass awareness, skills and capacity assessment, capacity-building and skills development, participation and greater control in decision-making, action for change, and evaluation. Nigeria needs an endogenous empowerment strategy for women's effective participation within organizations that is based on the tenet that women can only protect their interests through effective participation in their organizations and that highlights awareness-building, skills-acquisition and capacity-building, and changing discriminatory norms. External agents can not empower women but can foster conditions conducive to self-empowerment. 相似文献
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太空不是战争的传统基础,但是美国第一次将卫星用于情报目的以来,太空已经变成了战争的基础.美国前总统肯尼迪曾经说:"谁能控制太空,谁就能控制地球".现在,美国政府在这个问题上的战略思路越来越清晰. 相似文献
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K. Pushpanath 《Development in Practice》1994,4(2):81-91
In Southern Africa, a major drought during 1992–93 threatened devastating consequences for poor rural populations in the region. The article describes the unconventional approach to disaster mitigation undertaken by Oxfam (UK and Ireland) in Zambia. This enabled people at the local level, with little prior organisational experience, to establish effective dialogue with government officials in the country; it also laid the foundations for longer-term development activities. The role of local-level lobbying, as well as campaigning on an international level, was crucial. 相似文献
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自1992年起,赞比亚陆续在全国诸多领域开始实行了私有化。然而十多年的私有化导致赞比亚物质资本匮乏、人力资本不足、经济结构单一、货币大幅度贬值、民生倒退、社会腐败严重等问题依然存在,并有加剧之势,经济的低水平发展和单一性没有发生根本改变。在本世纪初,赞比亚政府应放慢私有化步伐,在国家减免债务和扶持农业发展等方面多做努力,为经济现代化创造条件。 相似文献
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Edward Goldring 《Democratization》2018,25(6):996-1015
ABSTRACTWhat factors increase the likelihood of nomination violence? Nomination violence can be an expression of both horizontal conflict, between local political elites, and vertical conflict, between national and local elites. We theorize about factors that may increase the risks of vertical and horizontal conflict and leverage a unique dataset of constituency-level nomination violence obtained from surveys with 464 domestic election observers active in the 2016 Zambian general election. Our statistical analyses show constituencies with an incumbent standing for re-election were more likely to experience nomination violence. Also, contrary to previous research on general election violence, we theorize and find that more rural constituencies had a higher propensity for nomination violence than urban constituencies. Our findings highlight the importance of intra-party power relations and the bargaining relationship between the centre and periphery. 相似文献
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Siri Gloppen 《Democratization》2013,20(4):112-136
This comparative analysis of the judiciaries in Tanzania and Zambia finds that neither one has developed a strong accountability function vis-à-vis the government. It goes on to address why judges in the two countries rarely have restrained the government in politically significant cases, identifying three sets of factors that may explain why the judges perform as they do: the legal culture; the institutional structure; and the social legitimacy of the courts. The study concludes that there are signs in the Tanzanian judiciary of a certain willingness to hold the government accountable in politically salient cases, but that their opportunity to do so is limited, due to institutional, social and political factors restricting the flow of constitutional cases. The Zambian courts have more political cases and opportunities for fulfilling an accountability function vis-à-vis the executive, but are reluctant to assert such authority. This is attributed to the legal culture and to political pressure. 相似文献
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面对金融全球化和金融自由化的浪潮,转轨国家不断调整其金融开放政策,特别是制定开放条件下的金融发展战略成为转轨国家最为重要的过渡安排.俄罗斯银行体系发展总体呈现趋好态势,然而直到目前,一系列内外因素依然抑制俄罗斯银行部门的发展.尤其值得关注的是,俄罗斯银行体系稳定发展面临两个无法回避的问题的挑战:银行信贷扩张问题和银行的资本化比率提高问题,这也是俄罗斯制定银行发展战略必须考虑的问题.总的来看,2005-2008年,俄罗斯银行部门发展的主要目标是提高银行体系的稳定性和银行部门运行的效率;提高银行部门在经济中的作用也是国家制定银行战略的最重要的任务之一. 相似文献
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Commodity markets have changed significantly in the past two decades, with smallholders increasingly requiring robust market intelligence to understand and secure benefit from the new environment. This article explores the approach to, and lessons stemming from, an IFAD-financed market information service in Zambia. It finds that by locating the service within a pre-existing institution with legitimacy and credibility, the service has secured the interest of a wide range of actors, and has better enabled smallholders and traders to access and utilise relevant, up-to-date, and actionable information to shape decision-making. The article concludes by discussing the key considerations that shaped the institutional analysis, and the issues that will influence the financial sustainability of the service. 相似文献
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This article compares the political processes involved in food subsidy policies in Sri Lanka and Zambia and relates these experiences to the concept of ‘good government’ that western nations have been promoting. The Sri Lankan case illustrates the workings of the policy process in a democratic political system, albeit one that centralized considerably in the 1980s. The Zambian case illustrates the policy process in a one‐party state that returned to multi‐party democracy in 1991. Despite their very different political systems the nature of food subsidy policies show striking similarities: decades of high levels of non‐targeted consumer subsidies that placed great demands on public expenditure until radical reductions in expenditure occurred following an electorally based change of government and multilateral agency pressure. Differences in the processes of policy formulation and public accountability are explored. They reveal that neither case study functioned as democratic theory would predict. The conclusion points to the inability of the concept of ‘good government’ to model the empirical experiences reported in the article. 相似文献
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Ted Galen Carpenter 《Cambridge Review of International Affairs》2003,16(3):511-524
There are signs of growing transatlantic estrangement over multiple international issues. An important catalyst for this estrangement is the National Security Strategy (NSS) that the Bush administration promulgated in September 2002, a document that is a detailed imperial blueprint. Despite its pretensions, however, it is not a global strategy, but instead appears to apply primarily to the 'Islamic Arc'--the territory from North Africa to the border of India. The administration's security strategy has important implications for the transatlantic relationship, since the United States is encouraging NATO to become a junior partner for missions throughout the Islamic Arc. Given the growing divergence in US and European interests and policy perspectives, the role that the Bush administration envisages for NATO is probably not sustainable. The 'West' was an artificial geostrategic concept that needed an extraordinarily threatening common adversary (the Soviet Union) to give it substance. The US and its allies will continue to drift apart strategically, and the Bush administration's security strategy may actually hasten that process. It is uncertain, however, whether the European Union will achieve the cohesion necessary to counterbalance US power. The main task facing statesmen on both sides of the Atlantic is to learn how to disagree about specific policies without becoming disagreeable. 相似文献
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