Arms transfer and the Asia‐Pacific region

Asia's share in total global arms imports has been increasing annually. Since 1988, it has exceeded that of the Middle East, making this region the second largest arms market after Europe. Professor Takahiro Shinyo of the Osaka School of International Public Policy notes that new threat perceptions, sources of regional instability, and modernization drives by ASEAN militaries have created an Asia‐Pacific imperative for greater transparency, self‐restraint, and cooperation in the security field. He warns that dialogue alone will not suffice and proposes concrete measures to stem the arms flow, including full ARF participation in the UN Conventional Arms Register.     

外层空间军备控制的进展与障碍

外空武器的发展成为国际形势中的一种不稳定因素,并导致大国之间的关系更加复杂.长期以来国际社会在外层空间军备控制方面做了许多努力.但由于美国的阻挠,近年来日内瓦裁军谈判会议在防止外空军备竞赛而强化外层空间法律体系方面停滞不前.     

German Arms Exports: Between Normative Aspirations and Political Reality

Deciding on arms exports is a delicate matter in western democracies. Potential economic and security gains have to be weighed against normative and security concerns. This article explores how this tension is solved in Germany, a country that holds strong moral aspirations but at the same time lists among the top arms exporting nations worldwide. Using a newly compiled dataset, we quantitatively analyse German exports of major conventional weapons (MCWs) from 1992 to 2013. Our statistical findings do not support the claim that the human rights situation in recipient countries plays an important role for German arms export decisions. Our two-stage model therefore supports a trading state rather than civilian power reading of Germany, at least when it comes to arms export practices.     

不确定的前景:布什政府军控政策展望

布什政府的军控政策仍在制定之中,并将受到三个因素的影响一是美国已经开始的全面战略评估的结果;二是布什政府同其他相关国家谈判、磋商的结果;三是布什能否在国会获得两党对其军控政策的支持.这三个因素将很大程度上塑造布什政府未来四年的军控政策.美俄有关<反导条约>和NMD的谈判可能会出现三种结果一种是美国不修改<反导条约>、不部署NMD,军控机制不会遭受破坏;一种是美俄达不成妥协,美国退出<反导条约>、部署NMD,军控机制崩溃;最后一种是美俄能够在修约和部署导弹防御系统的问题上达成妥协,军控机制受到损害,但不至于崩溃.     

军工复合体对美国军控政策的影响

美国军工复合体是美国最强势的利益集团之一 ,美国的军控政策是其重点影响的对象。一方面 ,它出于巨大的经济利益驱动积极参与影响美国的军控政策 ;另一方面 ,它所具有的强大经济实力和政治影响力使它具备了对美国军控政策产生重要影响的能力。军工复合体对美国军控政策的影响分为直接影响和间接影响两个方面。同一般利益集团相比较 ,美国军工复合体参与影响军控政策有着鲜明的特点。“9·11”之后 ,军工复合体对美国军控政策的影响进一步凸现 ,这种势头可能会持续比较长的一段时间。     

Small Arms and Light Weapons Among Pastoral Groups in the Kenya-Uganda Border Area

Recent decades have seen an escalation in interethnic resourceconflicts and banditry among pastoralists in the Kenya-Ugandaborder region, fuelled by a growing number of small arms. Statemanagement has been largely unsuccessful and often counterproductivein reducing numbers of small arms. The creation of paramilitaryinstitutions in rural Kenya and Uganda are an example of howlegal arms are entering communities and intensifying the conflictsfurther. Understanding the sources and mechanisms of arms acquisitionis a significant step in curbing the violence. The main sourcesand routes, and the current costs of arms and ammunition areprovided. More important however is to appreciate the complexreasons behind the demand for small arms. Relationships withstates, alienation of pastoral land, cultural issues and questionsof livelihood are all examined, using empirical evidence collectedby the author between 2001 and 2005. ^1. Interview with Rev. John Lodinyo, pastor of Baptist Church,Kiwawa, 31 May 2001. The officer-in-charge of the police notedthat the number of Pokot looking for pasture had increased becauseof the dry spell in the district at the time. ^2. Mustafa Mirzeler and Crawford Young, ‘Pastoral politicsin the northeast periphery in Uganda: AK47 as change agent’,Journal of Modern African Studies 38, 3 (2000), pp. 407–30;Action for Development of Local Communities (ADOL), ‘TheKarimojong response to disarmament: six months later’,(Unpublished report, ADOL/Pax Christi, Netherlands and Kampala,2002); Kennedy Mkutu, ‘Pastoralist Conflict and SmallArms: The Kenya–Uganda border region’ (Consultancyfor Saferworld, London, 2003). ^3. Interview with former resident district commissioner in Kotido,2 February 2003. ^4. Interviews with victims of small arms injuries including a 15-year-oldvictim in Kanwata, Karamoja, 2001–4. ^5. How the figure is arrived at is unclear: see ‘Disarm them’East African Standard <http://www.eastandard.net/hm_news/news_s.php?articleid=28071>(30 August 2005). ^6. Uganda Bureau of Statistics (UBO), ‘National Populationand Housing Census’, (Government report, Kampala, 2003). ^7. For details, see David Anderson, ‘Stock theft and moraleconomy in colonial Kenya’, Africa 56, 4 (1986), pp. 399–416;Richard Hogg ‘The new pastoralism: poverty and dependencein northern Kenya’, Africa 56, 3 (1986), pp. 319–32;Kennedy Mkutu, Pastoral Conflict, Governance and Small Armsin the North Rift, Northeast Africa (University of Bradford,Unpublished PhD thesis, 2005); Kennedy Mkutu, ‘PastoralistConflict in the Horn of Africa’ [Consultancy for AfricanPeace Forum (APFO)/Saferworld/University of Bradford, 2001];Derrick Belshaw and Joshua Malinga, ‘The Kalashnikov economiesof the Eastern Sahel: cumulative or cyclical differentiationbetween nomadic pastoralists’ (Unpublished report, DevelopmentStudies Association, South Bank University of East Anglia, 1999);Suzette Heald, ‘Tolerating the intolerable: cattle raidingamong the Kuria’ in G. Aijmer and J. Abbink (eds), Meaningsof Violence: A cross-cultural perspective (Berg, Oxford, 2000),pp. 101–21. Bruno Novelli, ‘Karimojong TraditionalReligion’ (Comboni Missionaries, Kampala, 1999); AugustoPazzaglia, The Karimojong: Some aspects (Camboni Missionaries,Bologna, 1982). ^8. Kennedy Mkutu, ‘Armed Pastoralist Conflicts and PeaceBuilding in Karamoja: The Role of Gender’ [Consultancyfor Netherlands Development Agency (SNV), Kampala, 2005]. ^9. Interviews in Karamoja, various sources, 2001–4. ^10. ‘50,000 guns in wrong hands, says Michuki’ DailyNation <http://www.nationmedia.com/dailynation/nmgcontententry.asp?category-id=1&newsid=56059>(29 August 2005). ^11. Belshaw and Malinga ‘The Kalashnikov economies’. ^12. Mkutu, Pastoralist Conflict, Governance and Small Arms; Anderson,‘Stock theft’; Natalie Gomez and Kennedy Mkutu,‘Breaking the Cycle of Violence: Building capacity fordevelopment in Karamoja, Uganda’ (Consultancy for SNV/PaxChristi, Kampala, 2004); Mkutu, Armed Pastoralist Conflict .. . the Role of Gender; Ton Dietz, Pastoralists in dire straits:survival strategies and external interventions in a semi aridregion at the Kenya/Uganda border: Western Pokot, 1900–1986(Instituut Voor Sociale Geografie, University of Amsterdam,Amsterdam, Unpublished PhD Thesis, 1987); National Council ofChurches of Kenya/SNV/Semi-arid Rural Development Project (SARDEP)‘Pacifying the valley: an analysis of the Kerio valleyconflict’, (Report NCCK/SNV/SARDEP, Nairobi, 2001). ^13. Heald, ‘Tolerating the intolerable’; Michael Fleisher,‘Cattle raiding and household demography among the Kuriaof Tanzania’ Africa 69, 2 (1999), pp. 238–55. ^14. Mkutu, Pastoralist Conflict, Governance and Small Arms. ^15. John Sislin, John Pearson, Jocelyn Boryczka, and Jeffrey Weigand,‘Patterns in arms acquisitions by ethnic groups in conflict’,Security Dialogue, 29, 4 (1998), pp. 393–408. ^16. Mkutu, Pastoralist Conflict, Governance and Small Arms; Mkutu,‘Armed Pastoralist Conflict’. ^17. For example, the first time I interviewed the Honorable DavidPulkol, the former external security officer for Uganda in 2001,he was on a campaign trail. ^18. Kotido, Panyangara, Nakapelimoru, Kachire, Moroto, Loputuku,Lokitelekapes, Lokitelebu, Kalapata, Losilang, Kanwat Iriri,Namalu, Kangole, Nakiloro, Amudat, Karita, Kotido, Rupa, Musasiaand Kampala in Uganda and Kapenguria, Kachiliba, Alale, Nauypong,Kiwawa and Kunyao in Kenya. ^19. KIA is the senior institution for training upper level policymakers in Kenya. I worked there from 1997 to 2005 (colleaguesadministered the questionnaire whilst I was on sabbatical). ^20. This consisted of officers based in finance, home affairs, transport,the judiciary and foreign affairs. ^21. Communications with Philip Gulliver, Ton Dietz, Michael Bollig,Ben Knighton and John Lamphear. ^22. Interviews in Karamoja, 2001–4. ^23. Kenya National Archive, Turkana history, Turkana political records,miscellaneous, 1921–45 TURK 159, DC/TURK3/1, p. 90. ^24. Awoundo Odegi, Life in the Balance: Ecological sociology ofTurkana nomads (ACTS, Nairobi, 1990); James Barber, ImperialFrontier (East African Publishing House, Nairobi, 1968), pp.91–106; Augusto Pazzaglia, The Karimojong. ^25. Barber, Imperial Frontier. ^26. Interview with Ael Ark Lodou, Member of Parliament for Dodothin Moroto, Uganda, 12 November 2004. ^27. Interview with James Chere, former raider and Chief of Rupain Moroto, 3 January 2003 and October 2004. ^28. Samuel Makinda, ‘Conflict and superpower in the Horn ofAfrica’, Third World Quarterly, 4, 1 (1982), pp. 93–103;For analysis of countries supplying arms to the Horn of Africaduring the cold war, see also Jeffrey Lefebvre, Arms for theHorn: U.S. security policy in Ethiopia and Somalia 1953–1991(University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh, 1991). ^29. Interviews with eyewitnesses and others in Karamoja, 2001–4. ^30. Interviews in Panyangara, Kotido, Moroto and Namalu, 2001–4. ^31. Charles Ocan, ‘Pastoral crisis in Northern Uganda: thechanging significance of cattle raids’, (Report, Centrefor Basic Research, Kampala, 1992). ^32. Interviews 2001–4. I did meet some young men who had foughtin DRC but were now jobless and originated from the Karimojongarea. ^33. Ibid. ^34. Jan Cappon, ‘Why do communities want arms? Controllingthe demand for small arms, the search for strategies in theHorn of Africa and in the Balkans’, (Report, The Hague/PaxChristi, Netherlands, 2003). There is increasing evidence ofracketeers, but more work needs to be done on this secretivearea. Some evidence exists in Kennedy Mkutu, Guns and Governance:Pastoralist conflict and small arms in the North Rift (JamesCurrey, Oxford, forthcoming). ^35. National Assembly of Kenya, Report of the Parliamentary SelectCommittee to Investigate Ethnic Clashes in Western and OtherParts of Kenya, (National Assembly, Nairobi, Government Press,1992). ^36. Mkutu, Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms. ^37. The term vigilante here refers to a self-appointed body of citizensorganized to maintain order in their local community. For moreon vigilantes, see Les Johnston, ‘What is vigilantism?’British Journal of Criminology 36, 2 (1996), pp. 220–36.For the metamorphosis of vigilante in Karamoja region and itscurrent status, see Mkutu, Pastoral Conflict, Governance andSmall Arms. ^38. Interviews with Father John Bosco in Amudat, and others, 2001–4. ^39. Interviews in Karamoja, 2001–4. ^40. Interviews in Karamoja, November 2004. By the end of 1995, theUgandan government was spending over 60 million UgSh per monthto pay vigilante in Karamoja alone. See ‘Government spendsSh.60m on Karamoja vigilantes’, Daily Monitor, 9 October1995. ^41. Gomes and Mkutu, ‘Breaking the Cycle of Violence’. ^42. Interview, name withheld, in Kampala, 17 May 2003. ^43. Interviews in Karamoja, 2001–4. ^44. Interview with resident district commissioner, name withheld,in Karamoja, 2004. ^45. Mkutu, Pastoral Conflict, Governance and Small Arms (chapter4). ^46. The Monitor, 22 March 2000. ^47. Inter-African Bureau for Animal Resources (IBAR) and Organisationof African Unity (OAU) pastoral community harmonization meetingheld at Mount Elgon Hotel, Mbale, Uganda, May 2001. ^48. These were recognized by their language especially in Bokora:interviews in Lotome, November 2004. ^49. For more on the disarmaments, see Mkutu, ‘Guns and Governance’;Kennedy Mkutu, ‘Pastoralist conflict and small arms: thechallenges of small arms and insecurity and attempts at managementin Karamoja, Uganda’ (Paper presented at the NortheastAfrica Seminar, Institute of Social and Cultural Anthropology,University of Oxford, 30 January 2004); From 2004 to January2006, 1,068 arms have been recovered forcibly and voluntarilyin the four districts of Karamoja. See Daily Monitor, 9 January2006. ^50. Confirmed by interviews in Karamoja, 2001–4. ^51. Interviews in kraals in Karamoja, 2003–4. ^52. ‘Protests as state disarms homeguards over clashes’,Daily Nation, 29 November 2004; ‘Police reserves werea threat to security’, Kenya Times, 21 April 2004; ‘KenyaPolice reserve force is disbanded,’ Daily Nation, 10 April2004. ^53. Interview with UPDF soldier in Namalu, 28 January 2003. ^54. Interviews in Namalu, January 2004. The author personally visitedthe kraal where the animals were raided and witnessed the gravesof the children who had been killed in the crossfire. ^55. Interview with Amudat hospital personnel, January 2003; interviewswith several members of the Karimojong and Upe Pokot communityconcurred in 2004. ^56. Interview with Roman Catholic Father in Karamoja, name withheld,Karamoja 2004. ^57. Interviews with elders in Alale, Kenya, August 2002, and visitto the scene. This was not reported in any press. ^58. Interview with karachunas in Kangole, July 2001; interviewsin Musasia, Nakaplimoru and Pangayangara in September–November,2004, confirmed this. ^59. Interview with elder Koritantoyo in Nakiliro, 2 February 2003. ^60. Interview in Karamoja, November 2004. ^61. Interviews in Karamoja, Uganda and in West Pokot, Kenya, 2001–4,and phone and e-mail communications, 2005. In Namalu and Kangolein Karamoja, warriors could be seen chewing miraa (Khat). ^62. Interview with a SPLA soldier, name withheld, Moroto, 20 June2001. ^63. Ibid. ^64. Interview with James Chere, former raider and now chief of Rupain Rupa, 2003 and 2004. ^65. ADOL ‘Arms trafficking in the border regions of Sudan,Uganda and Kenya’ (Unpublished report ADOL, Kampala, 2001),pp. 202–10. ^66. Interview with elder in Moroto, 20 June 2001. ^67. In the field in October 2004, reliable sources in Karamoja indicatedthat Kony was spotted in Lira. Interviews in Kotido with variouspeople, including Local Council Fives, and in Kanawat, February2003, also confirmed Kony as a source of weapons to pastoralists. ^68. Interviews in Losilang and Kachile, Jie, October–November2004. ^69. Interviews with Somali businessmen who own mines in Karamoja,2003–4; interviews in Moroto, Nikloro and Namalu and visitsto mining areas. ^70. Interviews in Namalu and Mbale, name withheld, 20 June 2001. ^71. Observed in Namalu and Kangole in Uganda and in Alale in Kenya. ^72. Sandra Gray, ‘A memory of loss: ecological politics, localhistory, and the evolution of Karimojong violence’, HumanOrganization 59, 4 (2000), pp. 401–18. ^73. Mkutu, ‘Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms’, p.11. ^74. Father Joachim Omolo Ouko, ‘Clearly famine caught govtnapping’, Kenya Times, 5 January 2006 <http://www.timesnews.co.ke/05jan06/editorials/comm1.html>(5 January 2006). ^75. Interviews in Nakapiripirit, Moroto and Nikoloro and observation,2003. ^76. Riamiriam, ‘The policy advocacy role of Civil SocietyOrganizations (CSOs) in Karamoja: The challenges and successes’(Unpublished report, Riamiriam, Moroto, 2005). ^77. Mkutu, ‘Pastoralist Conflict and Small Arms’, pp.17–18; for numbers of cows paid for brides, see Mkutu,‘Pastoralist Conflict, Governance and Small Arms’,p. 167; ADOL, ‘Karamoja response to disarmament’. ^78. Interview with Peter Lokeris, Minister for Karamoja, in Kampala,January 2003. ^79. Interview with Father John Bosco who is a victim of a gunshotin the knee, St Joseph’s Mission, Amudat, 28 January 2004. ^80. Interviews in Karamoja and West Pokot in Kenya, 2001–4. ^81. Interviews, visits and observations. ^82. West Pokot was formerly known as West Suk. ^83. KNA, District Commissioner West Suk, Annual Report, 1945, pp.2–3. ^84. Interviews and observations, 2001–4. ^85. Ben Knighton, ‘The state as raider among the Karimojong:where there are no guns they use the threat of guns’,Africa 73, 203 (2003), pp. 427–55. ^86. Knighton, ‘The state as raider’, pp. 443–46;‘Residents plead for army bases at border’, DailyNation, 7 June 2002 <http://www.nationaudio.com/News/DailyNation/today/News/News11.html>(7 June 2002); the government of Kenya was accused of killingresidents under the guise of ‘security operations’.Other examples include the Wagalla, Malkamari and Garissa massacres,where thousands of people were killed and property worth millionsdestroyed. ^87. See ‘Leaders foiling guns surrender plan, says DC’,Daily Nation, 19 September 2004 <http://www.nationmedia.com/dailynation/nmgcontententry.asp?category_id=1&newsid=57473>(20 September 2004). The DC noted that, of the 2,600 arms surrendered,the majority were defective, and some residents were still withholdingthose in good condition. ^88. Ben Okudi, ‘Causes and effects of the 1980 famine in Karamoja’(Report, Center for Basic Research, Kampala, 1992). ^89. Interviews and phone communications Karimojong, NGOs and governmentofficials in Karamoja, 2004–6; Office of the Prime Minister(OPM), ‘Karamoja integrated disarmament and developmentprogrammes: creating conditions for promoting human securityand recovery in Karamoja, 2005–2008’ (Governmentreport, Kampala, June 2005). ^90. Interviews with warriors in Panyangara, Kanawat and Kotido inKaramoja, February 2003 and November 2004. ^91. Knighton, ‘The state as raider’, pp. 426–55. ^92. Not all the UPDF are raiders, in my experience in the fieldsince 2000, I found a lot of them to be very helpful; the conditionsin which they operate need to be considered. ^93. Interviews in Panyangara, Kacheri, Kotido, Musisia, Loputukand Moroto, November 2004. ^94. Interviews in Karamoja, 2001–4. ^95. Interviews with warriors and others, Nakapelimoru and Panyangara,August 2005. ^96. Interview in Karamoja, November 2004. ^97. Interview with warriors in Panyangara airstrip, 7 October 2004;interviews with Lotirir mothers’ group and women in Rupanear Moroto, September 2004. ^98. Interviews in Karamoja, September–November 2004. ^99. Interviews with young Ekwete brew sellers in Jie County andLoputuk, September–October 2004. ^100. Interviews in Kanawat and Kotido, February 2003, and in Losilangand Kachire, November 2004. In some places, there is no governmentadministration. ^101. Interview in Karamoja, November 2004. ^102. Interview with Pastor Samuel Kotiyot, Amudat, 31 May 2001. ^103. Interviews in Kachire, Panyangara and Kanawat, November 2004.Kotido also came up with the same figures. ^104. Interview with reformed raider in Kanawat, 2004. ^105. Interview with Catholic Father in Karamoja, name withheld, 19June 2001 and January 2003. ^106. Interviews in Kotido town, November 2004. ^107. Interview, name withheld, in Alale, 2006. ^108. See Standard Team, ‘Minister: Sh28b needed to fight famine’,Sunday Standard, 8 January 2006; See also John Korir, ‘60billion livestock threatened’, Kenya Times, 4 January2006 <http://www.timesnews.co.ke/04jan06/business/buns7.html>(4 January 2006).     

Calls to Arms: New Zealand Society and Commitment to the Great War

Calls to Arms: New Zealand Society and Commitment to the Great War. By Steven Loveridge (Wellington, NZ: Victoria University Press, 2014), pp.332. NZ$40.00 (pb).     

当前亚太地区海军发展的特点和海军军控的前景

随着与海洋有关的经济利益的增加,以及一些国家之间存在岛屿主权归属问题和海洋权益争议,海洋对亚太国家军事安全的重要性越来越突出,海洋的军事战略地位明显上升.在这种情况下,亚太各国海上力量的发展出现一些新的特点.同时,亚太地区的海军军控有所进展,这在某种程度上有利于亚太地区海上形势的缓和.     

The German War: A Nation under Arms, 1939–45

The German War: A Nation under Arms, 1939–45. B y Nicholas Stargardt (London: Bodley Head, 2015), 704 pp. £30.00 (cloth).     

1946～1947年美国对华军火禁运的几个问题

1946~1947年美国对华军火禁运是解放战争时期美国对华政策的一个重要举措。在马歇尔调停期间,为了压制蒋介石配合调停,1946年7月29日马歇尔宣布停止向国民政府提供美援。在蒋介石未做出相应回应的前提下,8月18日杜鲁门总统认可了这一禁令。这项为调停而设计的政策,并没有产生马歇尔预期的影响。不过,它部分地导致了国民党军队军火供应的严重短缺。针对军火禁运给国民党军队所带来的负面影响,围绕着禁令的解除,美国国务院与军方展开了激烈辩论,在国际冷战加剧的背景下,美国国务院最终同意解除对华军火禁运。     

"军备控制与中美关系:回顾与展望"研讨会综述

中国社会科学院美国研究所军备控制与不扩散研究中心于 2 0 0 3年 12月 2日在北京举办了“军备控制与中美关系 :回顾与展望”研讨会。会议由美国研究所副所长、军控中心主任顾国良主持 ,来自外交部、商务部、中国军控协会、中国国防科技信息中心、中国国际问题研究所、北京应用物理与计算数学研究所、宇航学会、外交学院等单位的 30多位专家学者与会。外交部军控司副司长傅聪应邀出席研讨会并就当前军控形势发表了演讲。会议主要讨论的议题及主要观点综述如下。一军备控制与中美关系的演变顾国良回顾了军控与中美关系的发展演变。他认为 ,军…     

外交决策模式与美国对台军售政策决定因素分析

本文在对中美建交以来美国政府对台军售决策过程分析的基础上,采用理性行为模式、跨机构政治模式和官僚政治模式,对美国政府对台军售政策、这三种模式对美国对台军售政策的不同解释,以及影响美国对台军售政策的主要因素,进行了探讨。作者认为,上述三种模式分别解释了部分美国对台军售决策,而非全貌。只有将三者结合起来,并将影响外交决策的所有因素考虑在内,才能对美国对台军售政策进行较为全面的评估。     

"后冷战时代军控形势的回顾与展望" 研讨会综述

中国社会科学院美国研究所军备控制与不扩散研究中心与清华大学国际问题研究所军备控制项目于 7月 8日在京联合举办了“后冷战时代军控形势的回顾与展望”研讨会。会议由美国研究所副所长、军控中心主任顾国良和清华大学军备控制项目负责人李彬教授共同主持 ,来自外交部、商务部、国防大学、宇航学会、国际战略学会、国际战略研究基金会、国防科技信息中心、国际问题研究所、中国人民争取和平与裁军协会、北京应用物理与计算数学研究所、北京大学、清华大学、外交学院等单位的 40多位专家学者出席了会议。此次研讨会由七位年轻研究人员就七…     

美国军控政策的调整与变革:从制度建设到志愿者同盟

本文试图考察美国军控政策在冷战结束后的调整与变革,探究调整的根源,及其与美国整个安全政策变化的关联。文章依据美国对待全球、多边和双边军控机制的态度、政策和行动,分析美国军控的调整与变革过程;根据军控机制产生和存续的战略安全环境状态、军控本身在消解大规模杀伤性武器所构成的安全威胁方面存在的价值,以及推行军控机制建设所产生的效用等三个方面探究美国政策调整的原因。冷战期间及冷战结束初期,美国大致支持并推动了三类军控机制的建设。布什就任总统后,美国对战略安全环境认识的转变、军控机制内在的缺陷及推动军控机制建设的困境推动美国进行政策调整,突发事件、决策者的政策倾向和国内政治环境则加速了这个调整过程,美国军控政策逐步完成了从制度建设到志愿者同盟的转变。     

"布什执政期间美国军控政策的发展与演变"研讨会综述

中国社会科学院美国研究所军备控制与不扩散研究中心于 2 0 0 4年 9月 1 5日在京主办了“布什执政期间美国军控政策的发展与演变”研讨会。会议由美国研究所副所长、军控中心主任顾国良主持 ,来自商务部、宇航学会、中国国防科技信息中心、中国人民争取和平与裁军协会、北京应用物理与计算数学研究所、中国国际问题研究所、中国军控协会、清华大学、中国社科院世界历史研究所等单位的 2 0多位专家学者出席了会议。会议主要就以下问题进行了研讨 :(一 )新国际安全环境下的美国军控与防扩散政策顾国良首先分析了新国际安全环境下美国军控与防…