埃及的经济开放政策

埃及故总统萨达特自1974年起,全面推行经济开放政策,对纳赛尔时期的经济发展路线作了重大变更。八年来,在执行这一政策的过程中,埃及经济发展取得了一定的成效,同时也产生了一系列的弊端。埃及新总统穆巴拉克一上台。     

持续发展与巩固的中埃关系

埃及是首个与新中国建交的阿拉伯国家和非洲国家。中、埃两国建交后,双边关系总体发展良好。纳赛尔执政时期,中国与埃及因在西藏和中印边界等问题上的分歧使双边关系一度趋冷;但随着20世纪60年代周恩来总理三次访问埃及,增进了相互了解,改善了两国关系。萨达特主政时期,中埃关系因国际关系而变得复杂化。穆巴拉克时代,中埃关系逐渐进入快速发展阶段,并建立了战略合作伙伴关系。预计未来中埃关系会进一步蓬勃发展。     

穆巴拉克时代的埃及穆斯林兄弟会

穆巴拉克时代的埃及穆斯林兄弟会 ,在坚持实施伊斯兰教法、建立伊斯兰国家等根本宗旨的情况下 ,基本放弃暴力政策 ,构建了议会政治、伊斯兰经济和向市民社会渗透“三驾马车式”的新政策 ,进入了演进和发展的新时期。参与议会选举使兄弟会有了影响公共政策的正式渠道 ;向市民社会渗透 ,尤其是对同业公会的控制取得了巨大成功 ;伊斯兰经济的发展也成效显著。国家与兄弟会的关系 ,以 2 0世纪 90年代初为界 ,大致可分为“和平宽容”和“摩擦冲突”两个阶段 ,2 0 0 0年以来兄弟会遭到国家更加严厉的压制。兄弟会的建党问题和代际传承是考察兄弟会发展趋势的两个视角。     

穆巴拉克政权应对国内恐怖主义之策

自上世纪70年代起,埃及深受恐怖主义之害。穆巴拉克政权采取标本兼治的方针:区别对待穆斯林兄弟会和极端势力;动员社会舆论,批驳极端思想;致力于消除贫困和社会不公;杜绝隐患,弘扬宗教对社会的积极作用。1997年起国内安全局势转危为安,处于相对平静时期。这两年发生的几起孤立的、以团伙作案的爆炸事件说明:国内的极端思想尚未肃清。这种恐怖活动很有可能演变为有组织、有纲领的恐怖主义,但在可以预见的将来,不大可能发展成上世纪最后1/4世纪那样规模大、频率高、打击面广的恐怖主义。     

三民主义与纳赛尔主义之比较

本文从思想渊源、理论体系、基本内容等方面比较了孙中山三民主义和纳赛尔主义，指出两者都是传统民族文化与近现代西方资产阶级文化、社会主义思潮的混合物，都是一种与时俱进、不断发展的理论体系；两者在民族主义思想、革命后的政权建设等方面有诸多相似之处；两者同属资产阶级民主革命纲领范畴，民生空想社会主义和纳赛尔社会主义本质上是一种激进的民族主义思潮。     

全球化与穆巴拉克的治国方略

穆巴拉克治国方略是埃及领导人穆巴拉克20余年治国实践的理论概括与总结。其基本目标是埃及实现现代化,具体内容包括建立以市场经济为导向的外向型经济体制、以民主化为主要特色的政治现代化和平衡外交思想等方面。穆巴拉克治国方略是埃及应对全球化与国内危机的产物,是对前任萨达特治国路线的继承与发展。它顺应了全球化的基本要求,在具体实践中,正负效应兼备,但在总体上利大于弊。     

埃及新总统穆尔西

今年6月24日,埃及最高总统选举委员会宣布,穆斯林兄弟会下属的自由与正义党(Freedom and Justice Party)候选人穆尔西以51.7%的得票率赢得总统选举,当选埃及新总统。6月30日,穆尔西在埃及最高宪法法院宣誓就职。生平简介穆尔西全名穆罕默德·穆尔西(Mohamed Morsy),是一位大学教授、工程师和政治活动家。1951年8月20日出生于埃及沙拉齐亚(Sharqia)省     

埃及政变的原因及政局走势

2013年6月30日,即穆尔西就任埃及总统的一周年纪念日,埃及爆发了大规模反政府示威,示威者要求穆尔西下台。7月3日夜,埃及军方发动政变,软禁穆尔西,宣布政治过渡路线图。穆斯林兄弟会(以下简称穆兄会)遭军方驱赶下台,令世界错愕。埃及政治转型出现新的曲折与震荡。一、穆尔西倒台的原因穆尔西当选总统时呼声甚高,执政作风颇为强     

全球化:埃及的对策与措施

面对全球化浪潮,埃及采取了积极的应对措施.其措施主要有三条:其一是以通讯技术为抓手,其二是利用地区优势强化合作,其三是追求发展模式的个性化.本文以此为脉络展开论述.     

Building a Model While Debunking Another: The Rivalry of Arab Nationalism between ‘Abd al-Karim Qasim and Gamal Abdel Nasser

Abstract

The decade of 1950–60 was unique in terms of the establishment of a supranational Arab union, known as the United Arab Republic. However, this union was ill born due to certain frictions between Arab states in the Middle East. There were divergences between the visions of Arab Nationalism for each state and this caused a troubling process for this supranational initiative. This study considers these frictions as the main reasons behind why the UAR was an unsuccessful attempt and further why the Arab Nationalism dissolved afterwards. The divergence between two competing visions of Arab Nationalism is symbolized through the competition between Iraqi prime minister Abd al-Karim Qasim and Egyptian president Gamal Nasser. The domestic, regional and global circumstances for these two countries and their leaders are analyzed in order to illustrate how these frictions became a reality and divided the Arab stance.     

Diplomatic innovation: Nasser and the origins of the interests section

This article examines the origins of the interests section and the indirect role played by Nasser in its creation. After providing a formal definition, it goes on to examine two case studies: first, the confluence of events that led to the first use by Egypt and West Germany in May 1965; second, the technical details involved in establishing the first British interests sections as occurred in the Anglo-Egyptian example of December 1965. It concludes that both case studies were innovative responses to unusual circumstances and offer potential gains for further research in the area of 'disguised' embassies.     

合作与冲突:穆巴拉克时期的埃美关系

1974年埃及与美国复交后,两国关系发展势头迅猛.到萨达特执政末期,埃美已结成战略合作伙伴关系.1981年10月穆巴拉克执政以来,埃美关系依然呈现全面发展的态势.     

Opportunities and constraints: comparing Tunisia and Egypt to the coloured revolutions

Nearly two years after removal of Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and Hosni Mubarak, Tunisia and Egypt are still in transition: gains made by early 2013 remain tenuous, and whether democracy takes root remains to be seen. This article identifies variables affecting these states' prospects for democratic development by drawing lessons from the post-communist coloured revolutions of the early 2000s, when democratic forces had difficulty consolidating initial gains. Based on these cases, we suggest that choices available to political actors, in particular the ability of democratic opposition forces to maintain unity and support a common transition platform, and their success in removing old regime elites, will be crucial in the post-Arab Spring environment. However, we also examine structural variables, including the nature of the ousted authoritarian regime and external leverage, which point to differences between the coloured revolutions and MENA uprisings and suggest limits to cross-regional comparison.     

Extremist Groups in Egypt

On 11 September, terrorism became a much greater reality for Americans and much of the rest of the world. Indeed, that date marks the beginning of a new era for the global community, an era that may be called the Violent New World Order, or the Age of Fear. Since the events of 11 September, the United States has been working to build a coalition against terrorism consisting of countries throughout the world. More recently, the United States launched attacks on positions inside Afghanistan in order to wipe out Osama bin Laden's al-Qaeda organization and assisted the Northern Alliance in the overthrow of the Taliban government that had protected al-Qaeda. Given the military prowess of the United States and its allies, these acts have largely achieved their short-term goals. Over the long term, however, the United States, its allies, those countries that have been breeding grounds for terrorist organizations and those whose citizens sympathize with terrorist organizations need to look deeper at the causes of terrorism. On the surface, the religious zeal associated with the most prolific terrorist organizations appears to be something with which the United States and its allies cannot negotiate. The frustrations that drive people to acts of terror, however, are often rooted in adverse socio-economic conditions as well as cultural and political tensions that need to be addressed by underdeveloped nations and the larger international community. Since the deserts of Egypt gave birth to the rise of the first Islamic militant organizations, the Egyptian experience provides a perspective.     

How authoritarian rulers seek to legitimize repression: framing mass killings in Egypt and Uzbekistan

How do authoritarian rulers legitimate repressive actions against their own citizens? Although most research depicts repression and legitimation as opposed strategies of political rule, justified coercion against some groups may generate legitimacy in the eyes of other parts of the population. Building upon this suggested link between legitimation and repression, this article studies the justifications of mass killings. To this end, framing theory is combined with recent research on the domestic and international dimensions of authoritarian rule. We contend that frames are directed towards specific audiences at home and abroad. Moreover, given the common threats at the global level and the diffusion of repressive tactics, we assume that learning processes influence discursive justifications of repression in authoritarian regimes. We provide an analysis of government rhetoric by comparing the protest crackdowns of Rabi’a ‘Adawiya Square in Egypt and Fergana Valley in Uzbekistan, taking into account the audiences and the sources of the frames that justify repression. In both cases, we find the terrorism frame to emerge as dominant.     

伊斯兰女性主义探析:马来西亚伊斯兰姐妹的经验

伊斯兰姐妹是马来西亚著名的非政府组织,属于伊斯兰女性主义,致力于在伊斯兰的框架下维护公正和妇女权利。该组织通过重新解释《古兰经》,指出伊斯兰是追求公正和性别平等的宗教;通过宣传教育、向政府递交备忘录、发表公开信和声明等方式,提高公众觉悟、影响政府政策和法律制定;还通过法律援助,帮助在婚姻中处于弱势的穆斯林妇女。伊斯兰姐妹将伊斯兰与民主、人权联系起来,维护妇女的权利,有力地挑战了宗教权威对伊斯兰解释的垄断权,也有力地回击了伊斯兰主义对妇女的说教。     

访问埃及和利比亚纪要

4月4～17日，应埃及亚非团结委员会和利比亚利中友好协会的邀请，笔者随同中国人民对外友好协会代表团一行32人先后赴埃及和利比亚进行访问。此次访问的主题是“中国-阿拉伯对话”，以推动中阿友好关系的发展。中阿对话分……