婚内强奸犯罪化:能与不能--一种法解释学的分析

婚内强奸及其犯罪化存在有没有、能不能和应不应这三个层次的问题,只有严格地将其区分,才能将这一问题的讨论引向深入。婚内强奸不能按照现行刑法认定为强奸罪,而应当在立法上予以犯罪化。     

婚内强奸犯罪化：能与不能——种法解释学的分析

关于婚内强奸犯罪化的讨论进路应当区分为以下三种层次:第一个层次,在现实生活中是否存在所谓婚内强奸,即丈夫强制与妻子发生性交这种现象?这是一个婚内强奸现象在实然层面上有与没有的问题。第二个层次,婚内强奸在司法上是否可能犯罪化,即根据现行刑法规定,对于婚内强奸行为能     

婚内强奸犯罪化之思考

婚内强奸是刑法学术界及司法界长期争论不休的问题，婚内强奸及其犯罪化存在有没有、能不能和应不应这三个层次的问题，只有严格地将其区分并抓住每个层面问题之关键，才能使得问题的探讨变得清晰而深入。婚内强奸现象在实然层面是客观存在的，但按照现行刑法的规定不能认定为强奸罪，而且在现阶段也没有必要通过正式的立法修改使之犯罪化。     

不同国家和地区的赌博犯罪化与非犯罪化模式分析

"犯罪化"与"非犯罪化"是刑事政策特别是刑事立法政策确定刑罚干预范围大小、划定犯罪圈过程的一体两面。只不过两者分别体现了不同的刑事政策方向:犯罪化代表扩张刑法干预范围的扩张主义刑事政策方向,非犯罪化代表收缩刑法干预范围的缩减主义刑事政策方向。     

域外婚内强奸法之发展及其启示

古代西方在传统夫制社会下的男强女弱、男主女从的模式之下,刑法理论中的婚内强奸能否占得一席之地,无疑由于以“妻子承诺论”和“促使女方报复论”为理论支撑的“丈夫豁免”,而使婚内强奸毫无立锥之地。20世纪中后期以来,在工业革命的背景下,西方各国开始了一场规模空前、势不可挡的以追求政治、经济、性权利平等为目的的女权运动,人们开始逐步反思检讨“丈夫豁免”的正当性与否。英国、美国、德国、法国、意大利等国家先后废除“丈夫除外”原则,规定丈夫可以成为强奸罪的主体。中国刑法学界及司法部门对婚内是否有奸见仁见智。笔者提出的“耦合权利义务说”阐释了婚内强奸犯罪化立论的理论原点。     

试论刑事政策与国际刑法的关系

刑事政策是对犯罪有组织的反应,国际刑法以研讨国际犯罪为己任,对国际犯罪的研究需要以刑事政策为视角。本文通过分析刑事政策的含义及其国际化特征与国际刑法的发展方向,在刑事政策的视野下,揭示国际刑法的发展趋势——刑事政策的国际刑法化与国际刑法的刑事政策化,进而把握刑事政策与国际刑法两者的契合性。     

犯罪化与非犯罪化之间:猥亵型犯罪的立法完善

我国刑法关于猥亵行为的犯罪化与非犯罪化问题上界限失当,远没有实现严而不厉的理想状态。犯罪化与非犯罪化必须立足我国当前的社会现实和文化传统,对公然猥亵行为、强制猥亵及强奸男子的行为应该予以犯罪化,以弥补刑事法网的漏洞;同时也要坚守刑法谦抑主义,对聚众淫乱行为应仅处罚组织者而不处罚参加者,并调整法定刑设置,力求严而不厉。     

“婚内强奸”行为入罪及立法设计

长期以来,“婚内强奸”一直是刑法理论界与司法实务界争议的焦点,在现行有关强奸罪的刑事立法框架内,由于缺乏统一的内型化标准,各地司法机关对“婚内强奸”行为是否立案、如何定性,往往莫衷一是、处理结果大相径庭,在一定程度上给司法实践带来了不确定性和难度.对此,笔者不甚揣索,乞求通过对“婚内强奸”进行“量刑化”可行性分析,以厘清该种行为罪与非罪、此罪与彼罪的争论,进而为立法研究提供考量建议.     

非犯罪化的途径及我国的选择

非犯罪化是现代刑事政策发展的主题方向之一,它代表着刑法人道、刑法谦抑的当代价值追求。实现非犯罪化有立法和司法两个层面上的途径。根据我国的现实情况分析,我国在实践非犯罪化的政策上应以司法途径为主。     

浅析婚内强奸立法对策

由于丈夫是否能成为强奸罪的主体,刑法并没有作出明确规定,对于婚内强奸行为是否该进行犯罪化,社会上对此存有诸多争议,本文比较了各学者的观点,根据现实的客观需要提出了刑事政策的制度构想。     

The influence of length of marriage and fidelity status on perception of marital rape

To what extent does the length of the marriage or the wife's faithfulness to the husband influence the perception of responsibility or trauma in marital rape? In the current study, each participant was presented with one of four marital rape vignettes. The vignettes varied only in the length of the marriage (3 years or 15 years) and the fidelity status of the wife (continuously faithful or involved in an ongoing sexual affair with another man). Results indicate that both length of marriage and fidelity status significantly influence perceptions of marital rape. Specifically, participants assigned greater responsibility for the rape to unfaithful wives than to faithful wives. This finding is particularly salient for wives in long-term marriages as compared to wives in short-term marriages. Additionally, participants perceived rapes within long-term marriages as more traumatic than rapes within short-term marriages.     

The Sex Right: A Legal History of the Marital Rape Exemption

How did the American legal elite come to reject the husband's privilege to rape his wife. What is the significance of that rejection. This essay traces theories justifying the marital rape exemption from the 17th century, focusing on the period focusing World War II. The history illustrates how the postwar legal elite's limited progressivism created inconsistent arguments that left the exemption open for attack, an attack that came from within the 1970s feminist movement. Radical feminist rhetoric about sexuality, rape, and marriage pulled away the last layer of theoretical support for the exemption and denounced the sex right it left exposed underneath. Connections in the 1970s, both literal and conceptual, between radical feminists and the legal elite allowed the feminist movement to discredit the exemption within that elite. To interpret the significance of that rejection, I consider how legal language affects people's senses of self. I argue that legal words like "rape,""marriage," and "husband" validate and inform people's, specifically husbands', identities in marriage. By changing the meanings of those legal words, legal reform can eventually change human behavior.     

Perpetuating myths of women as false complainants in rape cases in India: culture V. The law

ABSTRACT

Despite public outrage over our global “rape culture,” sexual offences continue to be characterised by low levels of reporting, prosecution, and conviction in many countries. Attrition rates for sexual assault internationally, although varying in pattern, are consistently high. As a signatory to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (DEVAW), the Indian Government acknowledges the need to afford better protection to victims of gender violence. Assessing the effect of rape law reform in India, using crime statistics and a survey of recent judgments from the Delhi District Courts, the author argues that the legislature has failed systematically to address the many injustices experienced by women who allege rape. The Indian Parliament responding to the moral panic generated by the Delhi gang rape case with knee-jerk reforms, focused mainly on increasing penalties, maintaining an outmoded view of rape as a crime against morality rather than as a violation of gender rights and human rights. By closely investigating the sociocultural context in which sexual crimes against women occur in India, the author reveals that India’s “cultural” arguments for rejecting further reform (such as repeal of the marital rape immunity) are merely entrenched gender biases, bearing strong parallels to nineteenth century English common law perceptions of women who allege rape as a class of false complainants.     

From Consent to Responsibility, from Pity to Respect: Subtexts in Cases of Sexual Violence Involving Girls and Women with Developmental Disabilities

How might feminist law reform serve all women? The author explores this question within the context of sexual violence involving girls and women with developmental disabilities. She presents the difference impasse as a theoretical tool for understanding how women are positioned in law differently and unequally in relation to each other. She explores how, within the consent framework of a rape trail, competing social narratives or subtexts about race, class, gender, and disability circulate in the courtroom. She also explores the issue of pity in rape traiIs and argues that focusing on interlocking systems of domination and on our complicity in maintaining categories of women in law and law reform is a useful approach for feminist law reformers.     

Forced Marriage as a Harm in Domestic and International Law

This article reports on our analysis of 120 refugee cases from Australia, Canada, and Britain where an actual or threatened forced marriage was part of the claim for protection. We found that forced marriage was rarely considered by refugee decision makers to be a harm in and of itself. This finding contributes to understanding how gender and sexuality are analysed within refugee law, because the harm of forced marriage is experienced differently by lesbians, gay men and heterosexual women. We contrast our findings in the refugee case law with domestic initiatives in Europe aimed at protecting nationals from forced marriages both within Europe and elsewhere. We pay particular attention to British initiatives because they are in many ways the most far-reaching and innovative, and thus the contrast with the response of British refugee law is all the more stark.     

The Effect of Participant Sex,Victim Dress,and Traditional Attitudes on Causal Judgments for Marital Rape Victims

This study investigated the effects of participant sex, victim dress, and attitudes influencing the tendency to blame a marital rape victim. College undergraduates completed the Attitudes toward Marriage Scale, an intervening cognitive task, and a read fictitious scenario of a marital rape incident where the victim was dressed somberly or seductively. Participants then completed a brief questionnaire. As predicted, males rated the victim more deserving of the attack than females. As predicted, the suggestively dressed victim was rated more responsible and deserving than the somberly dressed victim. As predicted, participants holding more traditional attitudes toward marriage were more likely to assign more victim responsibility and deservingness than participants with more egalitarian attitudes. These findings are discussed within an attitudinal framework.     

Sex crime legislation: Proactive and anti-therapeutic effects

Therapeutic jurisprudence may have its major role within law practice, but analysis of the law from a therapeutic perspective is a task that should not be neglected; how a piece of legislation is designed and formulated certainly influences the therapeutic outcome of a legal process. This article uses sex legislation as an example to demonstrate how the old rape law based on coercion has anti-therapeutic effects on rape victims. If the law requires resistance, it implies that a woman is sexually available until she resists physically, resulting in an attitude that a woman reporting rape without injuries should be mistrusted. This mistrust of the victim and the victim's attendant feelings of self-blame aggravate the victim's trauma. On the other hand, a modern rape law based on lack of consent gives the signal that a woman is not available until she has given her consent, resulting in a different starting position for the investigation. Since the will of the victim must be respected, the victim herself must be respected in the legal process. Furthermore, being able to tell one's story in a respectful atmosphere can be more important for the well-being of the victim than the outcome of the reported case.     

Are Women Getting (More) Justice? Malaysia's Sharia Courts in Ethnographic and Historical Perspective

Religious law is commonly understood as deeply conservative and unfriendly to women, even when it is reform oriented and “this‐worldly.” This essay challenges that understanding. It does so by engaging the practice and lived entailments of Islamic family law and gender pluralism in Malaysia, based on ethnographic fieldwork conducted since the late 1970s. My research reveals that sharia courts are more timely and flexible in responding to women's claims than in decades past, and that these courts are more inclined to punish husbands who transgress sharia family law bearing on women. In addition, women nowadays have far more access to resources for negotiating marriage, its dissolution, and the aftermath. This is not to say that women and men experience marriage, divorce, or the sharia juridical field as social equals; they do not. But this situation is changing in ways that benefit women as long as they embrace increasingly salient and restrictive codes of obedience and heteronormativity. More broadly, the essay problematizes tensions and oppositions between Islamic law and women's rights that are the subject of considerable scholarly debate and contributes to our understanding of the complex entanglements of religion and law.     

对我国姻亲继承合理性的再思考

根据我国《继承法》，不仅丧偶儿媳或女婿对公婆或岳父母尽了主要赡养义务后能成为第一顺序继承人，继兄弟姐妹间、旧社会形成的一夫多妻家庭中子女与生母以外的父亲的其他配偶间形成扶养关系的，也均互有继承权，该规定直接突破了世界通行的继承权仅在血亲及配偶范围内的传统基础。无论从继承权产生的基础，还是从姻亲继承产生的源流上分析，我国基于赡养扶助行为授予姻亲继承权都是对继承权基础的直接违背，也是对现实生活中民众继承习惯的背离。通过对姻亲的赡养扶助行为与继承权关系的分析，找出合理的路径与渠道对其实施赡养扶助行为后的权益进行补偿，始为正确的选择。     

强奸罪立法的反思与重构

传统的强奸罪只将犯罪对象限定为女性,由于时代的不断发展,在强奸犯罪的领域出现了女性强奸等各种不同的新情况,而我国强奸罪的现行立法面对这些新情况则没有回应。本文通过对强奸罪的女性主体、男性犯罪对象、婚内强奸以及强奸罪的"自诉"化等问题进行探讨,指出:女性可以成为强奸罪的主体;强奸罪的犯罪对象也可以是男性;对未成年人应特别保护;强奸罪的一些情况可以纳入"自诉"案件的范围。