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1.
对非洲援助是中非关系中的重要一环,既是中非关系的利益面,也是中非关系的责任面。在国际格局和国际发展援助潮流出现重大调整的背景下,中国面临提高对非洲援助的战略性,加强在非洲的软实力建设,以及拓展对非洲援助安全内涵等新挑战。当前中国对非洲援助面临五大"战略平衡"问题:援助国和受援国双重身份的平衡;国家利益和企业利益的平衡;不干涉内政和参与非洲内部事务现实需要的平衡;加强透明度和保持对非洲援助的主导权之间的平衡;双边与多边援助合作的平衡。未来对非洲援助战略应结合中国参与全球治理的总体战略,适时调整援外体制,满足对非洲援助的战略性要求,并将重点放在推介中国发展理念和经验上。  相似文献   

2.
印度是新兴经济体援助国的典型代表,其国际发展援助具有鲜明的特色,在援助理念上更倾向于和发展中国家更多分享其民主和增长的发展经验;印度援助的管理比较规范,重视援助监测和总结;援助的重点是周边国家和整个南亚大陆以及非洲国家;印度比较重视政府间的双边合作,非常重视倡导和区域组织的合作机制,在援助领域上侧重于公共基础设施的建设,以及小型公共服务设施的供给。  相似文献   

3.
对外援助是国际政治学与国际政治经济学研究中的重要议题。一方面,作为一种由援助国提供的特殊性国际公共物品,它是全球治理和国际发展领域的重要变量;另一方面,作为国家的一种对外政策工具,对外援助在国际竞争舞台上发挥着战略性功能。在国际政治中,有志于发展的对外援助都与安全问题息息相关。援助与安全之间的联结经历了从一般关联到深入互嵌再到"安全化"的演变历程,安全思维越来越多地影响对外援助过程,冲击着连接援助国和受援国的援助资源载体。面对嵌入对外援助过程的"安全化"趋势,通过聚焦援助与安全之间的复杂关系和发展趋势,试图诉诸安全视角来审视援助载体,并因此提出了"援助安全"概念框架。该框架致力于从国际结构转型、援助国和受援国关系及相关国家国内政治等不同角度探寻援助过程中财力资源、人力资源与制度资源分别面临的多元安全威胁和风险来源。援助安全可以从技术条件性、透明性、实施预算管理、提供援助安保人员训练和改革全球援助体系等举措得以保障。  相似文献   

4.
官方发展援助的新趋势   总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5  
进入新世纪以来,国际官方发展援助呈现几大趋势。援助总额及其占国民总收入的比重持续上升;援助的重点地区从亚洲转向非洲,且明显倾向更贫困地区;在部门上继续向社会公共设施领域倾斜;援助的财政条件更趋优惠。这些趋势出现的主要原因在于,近年来援助国经济稳定增长,国际组织和主要援助国更加重视发展,援助理念发生变化等。对于中国来说,这些变化具有特殊的含意,可谓挑战与机遇并存。  相似文献   

5.
国际社会对朝鲜发展援助探寻   总被引:1,自引:1,他引:0  
国际发展援助对于援助国来说通常被作为实现国家利益的对外政策工具,而对于受援国来说,发展援助可以为本国经济建设和社会发展提供诸多帮助。因此,发展援助对于援助国和受援国双方的经济发展都具有相当积极的意义和作用,是一种具有互利和双赢效益的国家间经济合作方式和国际关系模式。根据朝鲜的要求及现实需要,国际社会对朝援助正由人道主义援助向发展援助转变。国际社会对朝发展援助目标是促进朝鲜经济、政治、社会发展,援助领域将更多地集中在基础设施建设、农业和提高行政管理能力等方面。在此过程中,需要解决如何筹措对朝援助巨额资金、如何提高对朝援助透明度和效率等课题。  相似文献   

6.
援助有效性评价在西方发展援助中占据核心地位,既是反思援助理念和指导援助实践的客观依据,也是西方发达国家对发展中国家实施新殖民主义的手段和维持政治霸权的话语工具。西方传统援助国及多边援助机构长期以来通过主导发展援助评价机制,不断完善关于发展援助有效性的话语和实践,逐渐建构出一整套国际发展知识体系,确立起该领域的知识霸权。但是,西方国家主导的这种评价机制存在话语与实践的深层次矛盾,客观评价发展援助有效性面临数据与方法上的困境。这为西方国家维持其长期主导且潜藏不平等的"援助-被援助"二元架构提供了空间。随着新兴经济体及更多南方国家的崛起,西方国家主导的这种知识霸权将会遇到越来越多的挑战。  相似文献   

7.
赵磊  张晓旭 《东北亚论坛》2023,(3):3-20+127
当今国际社会动荡不安,国家间相互不信任感随之上升,构建一国国际信誉成为国际合作的重点与难点。作为经济外交的一部分,对外援助是一国国际信誉生成的重要方式。本文建立一个由交换结构、归因机制、兑现承诺构成的理论框架以解释对外援助中国际信誉的生成逻辑。交换结构分为议价交换结构和互惠交换结构。援助国在不同交换结构中通过兑现承诺生成不同类型的国际信誉。议价交换结构下,受援国对援助国援助行为进行情境归因,偏向于对援助双方交易性关系的感知,此时,援助国兑现援助承诺生成商品型国际信誉。互惠交换结构下,受援国对援助国援助行为进行属性归因,偏向于对援助双方社会性关系的感知,此时,援助国兑现援助承诺生成认同型国际信誉。国际信誉水平的高低则取决于援助双方的交换结构。通过20世纪70年代至今中国和欧盟对非洲援助的案例分析,验证了这一理论框架。从中可以获得启示,对外援助中要树立正确义利观,坚持互惠交换结构,建立高水平国际信誉。  相似文献   

8.
欧盟对华援助的主要表现在援助资金呈递增趋势、援助领域由早期的农业援助转向经济和社会改革领域、援助项目要按照"标准化"要求操作等三个方面。从援助特征可以看出欧盟对华援助背后的政治经济逻辑正好吻合了新自由主义对国际政治经济生活进行必要干预的主张,把欧盟成员国和欧盟内部的社会经验在援助国得以拓展,使其经济运行和社会秩序朝着欧盟所拟定的方向发展,这也恰好表明欧盟对华援助的行为不可能偏离自利立场。但是,中国在坚持独立的外交政策和方针下,使得中欧关系逐步朝务实性方向发展,在合作基础上解决面临的共同难题,谋求长期的战略性合作伙伴关系依然符合中欧关系发展的趋势。  相似文献   

9.
本文主要研究巴西对外援助的发展现状和管理体制,详细梳理了巴西对外援助的资金规模、援助方式、主要领域、地缘分布、政策演变、管理体制、存在问题及最新动向等。随着经济的迅速发展,巴西提供对外援助的意愿和能力不断增强,逐渐由净受援国向受援国和援助国双重身份转变,对外援助发展迅速。作为外交政策的一部分,巴西对外援助是其追求地区领导力和加强国际地位的有力工具,对外援助也由此体现了巴西外交政策的多重诉求。尽管近年来巴西经济有所衰退,从全球第七大经济体降至第九大经济体,但仍是拉美地区最大的发展中国家。巴西提供的技术合作在南南发展合作中扮演了重要角色,其以三方合作为代表的援助方式引起越来越多的国际关注,一定程度上改变了当前国际发展援助版图,提升了新兴援助国的话语权。巴西与中国发展阶段相似,对外援助诉求有相通之处,分析巴西对外援助的发展现状、管理体制、主要特点和存在问题,能够为中国对外援助提供参考和启示。  相似文献   

10.
对外援助具有国际公共产品的特质,这既体现为对外援助直接为国际公共产品提供融资,也反映在对外援助是国际公共产品的重要组成,还表现在对外援助广泛惠及受援国、援助国和国际社会。中国的对外援助虽经历了援助理念、方式、资金构成的多重变迁,但基本原则和重点援助对象没有发生根本变化。对外援助体现了中国通过供给国际公共产品来赢得国际社会认同的大国诉求,也折射出对外援助的"中国模式":南南合作框架内的"平等型援助"、以弘义融利为主旨的"互惠型援助"、有利于国际社会的"增益型援助"。对外援助不仅为中国赢得了朋友,也使其收获了并将继续收获包括战略、政治、安全、经济、文化在内的多重利益。  相似文献   

11.
Many previous studies assessed the effectiveness of U.S. foreign aid by focusing on voting coincidence rates of all UN votes and found no relationship between U.S. aid distribution and UN voting coincidence rates. Most UN resolutions, however, are simply not important enough for the U.S. to expend its scarce resources in influencing the outcomes. The U.S. government would not be likely to exercise pressure on all UN resolutions but would do so on issues considered vital to America's national interests. If there is any effect from receiving U.S. foreign aid on political outcomes in the UN, it is therefore most likely to emerge in voting coincidence rates on important issues. Using data collected for sixty-five developing countries between 1984 and 1993, a pooled cross-sectional and time-series research design is adopted to examine this hypothesis. Contrary to the argument that foreign aid is an ineffective policy instrument in the pursuit of America's global influence, the currentfindings suggest that the U.S. government has successfully utilized foreign aid programs to induce foreign policy compliance in the UN on issues that are vital to America's national interests.  相似文献   

12.
张永蓬 《亚非纵横》2012,(4):20-27,59,61
进入21世纪以来,发展经济学的国际援助理论呈现双向推动的趋势:即在重视民生的同时,强调关注受援国的经济发展。非洲国家的现实表明,国际对非援助应体现这种变化趋势。国际援非的现实挑战是资金投入不足、效果不明显,难以同时兼顾民生和发展两个方面。未来国际援非应优先考虑经济发展,需要在领域选择、资金投入和方式上做出调整和改革。  相似文献   

13.
It is well-known that donors give considerably more foreign aid to former colonies than to countries lacking past colonial ties. Unfortunately, we know relatively little about why this is the case. For one, there is almost never a theoretical justification for the inclusion of colonial history in statistical models. For the other, the only explicitly made rationale by Bueno de Mesquita and Smith (2009) actually predicts an interpretational problem: colonial history not only increases a former colony’s saliency to the donor, but also has left deep marks on recipients’ social and political institutions today. Both aspects shape how much aid a donor transfers to the recipient. This leaves ambiguous the meaning of the routinely found positive, sizable, and significant coefficient of colonial history on aid flows. We solve the inferential quandary by using a decomposition approach from labor econometrics. Our results show that about 75–100% of the colony effect on foreign aid stems from the greater saliency that donors give to policy concessions from former colonies.  相似文献   

14.
自以色列建国以来,维护其生存和安全是美国历届政府一直不变的承诺,向以色列提供军事援助就是保障其安全的重要举措。美国主要从现实主义出发,根据其全球战略的需要来决定它对以色列提供军事援助的力度。由于美国在不同时期内对全球目标特别是中东战略目标有所不同,美国对以色列的军援政策也随之变化和调整,经历了一个限制——积极——以军援为施压手段——制度化——强化的演变过程。从未来发展看,美国与以色列在相当长时期内仍然互有所需,战略盟友关系不会变,美国对以色列的军援政策也基本上不会变。  相似文献   

15.
Despite a growing emphasis by aid agencies on local participation and consultation, the recipients of aid commonly have mixed, if not hostile, responses to relief assistance. Agencies need to acknowledge the inequalities that are inherent in an aid relationship, and be more judicious in determining their proper role. The author calls for aid providers and recipients to accept our innate human equality and our circumstantial inequality in order to establish relationships of mutual respect and contemporaneous enjoyment of each other.  相似文献   

16.
Does Foreign Aid Promote Democracy?   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Aid potentially can contribute to democratization in several ways: (1) through technical assistance focusing on electoral processes, the strengthening of legislatures and judiciaries as checks on executive power, and the promotion of civil society organizations, including a free press; (2) through conditionality; and (3) by improving education and increasing per capita incomes, which research shows are conducive to democratization. This study provides a multivariate analysis of the impact of aid on democratization in a large sample of recipient nations over the 1975–2000 period. Using two different democracy indexes and two different measures of aid intensity, no evidence is found that aid promotes democracy. This result is robust to alternative model specifications and estimation techniques, including the use of exogenous instruments for aid. Results are similar if the analysis is confined to the post–Cold War period (1990–2000), despite the reduced dependence of the U.S. and other donors on pro-Western authoritarian regimes among aid recipient nations.  相似文献   

17.
Foreign aid is usually seen as a form of international cooperation. Thus, the expectation is that states engaged in international rivalry with one another should be unlikely to provide each other aid. However, they do provide their enemies aid. We consider how situations of uncertainty influence aid transfers between states. We argue that states may provide each other aid to limit uncertainty from potential regime changes that could lead to war. Such uncertainty is particularly bad for rivals who are prone to militarized conflict. We find that rivals may provide one another foreign aid when one of the countries is experiencing regime-threatening levels of domestic instability. We compare these results to the behavior of nonrivals and find that: Rivals are likely to provide their enemies aid in times of uncertainty; rivals are no less likely to give aid to each other than are nonrivals; and rivals provide more aid during times of instability than do nonrivals.  相似文献   

18.
It has been more than 10 years since the Paris Declaration was signed, yet critical questions remain about whether – and how – increased compliance at the national level has improved the overall effectiveness of Official Development Assistance. Previous studies have argued fundamental tensions arise between the principles of aid effectiveness as they are translated into practice. This article explores this argument using a case study of an Australian-Indonesian technical assistance project – the Poverty Reduction Support Facility – carried out between 2010 and 2015. It demonstrates that tensions do arise between the principles of aid effectiveness as they are translated into practice, but these can be resolved through political negotiation and compromise.  相似文献   

19.
A Comparative Study of China's Foreign Aid   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
Chinese development assistance is totally different in nature in comparison with the aid offered by the United States and Japan. The U.S. sees its aid as a form of "mercy" to less-developed countries and gives it with numerous conditions attached. Japan seems to mainly use it to pursue commercial interests. By contrast, Chinese aid is, in essence, cooperation and mutual support between developing countries. This fundamental difference helps to explain why Beijing's aid is so different from that of the Western donors.  相似文献   

20.
This analysis charts the changes in British aid policy under the Margaret Thatcher government (1979–1990). In particular, it examines the impact of so-called neo-liberal ideology in overseas development strategy in an era where “structural adjustment”—aid in return for market-based reforms—became World Bank and International Monetary Fund orthodoxy. There is some evidence to show British increases in multilateral aid during the 1980s supported a neo-liberal aid policy. Bilateral aid policy, however, demonstrated a subordination of aid to foreign policy and a pro-business—not ideologically pro-market or neo-liberal—alignment. One of the results of these structural changes was the Pergau Dam scandal at the end of the Thatcher years.  相似文献   

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