中日市民宗教意识的差异——以“浮世草子”和“三言二拍”为中心

中日市民的宗教意识是随着15世纪末社会商品经济发展过程中形成而发达的。中日市民的宗教意识同属东方文化,表现着有别于中世纪西方市民的宗教意识的极为丰富的内涵。然而,中日市民宗教意识是在各自社会历史进程中演变、发展的。从宏观上看,浑然一体,可是,从微观研究,将会发现明显的差异。     

关于勃列日涅夫时期的“官僚特权阶层”问题

苏联的“官僚特权阶层”越来越引起学者们的关注。关于勃列日涅夫时期“官僚特殊阶层”问题谈论的有很多 ,但还不见专门的论述。苏联“官僚特权阶层”的形成有其制度上的原因 ,它形成于斯大林时期 ,到勃列日涅夫时期发展到顶峰。勃列日涅夫以“稳定”当头 ,不思改革 ,带头奢靡腐化 ,致使这个掌握人民权力的阶层终于走向人民的反面。     

评弗兰克“不发达的发展”论

在研究依附理论的过程中,如何评价弗兰克的“不发达的发展”论,是一个无法回避的问题。弗兰克的理论究竟是什么理论,为什么弗兰克要把自己的理论称作依附理论却又遭到被他称为同行和朋友的依附论学者的严厉批判,为什么人们在研究或评价依附论时总要将弗兰克的理论同真正的依附理论相混淆,为什么人们对弗兰克的评价如此不一致,从“最早的依附论者”和“依附理论之父”,到依附论的“传播者”或“歪曲的模仿者”,最后又被看作是依附理论的否定者或反对者①。要弄清这些问题,有必要给弗兰克的“不发达的发展”论寻     

论“拜把子”

梁启超在《论小说与群治之关系》时,谈到俗称“拜把子”的民间结义风俗。“今我国民绿林豪杰,遍地皆是。日日有桃园之拜,处处为梁山之盟。所谓‘大碗酒,大块肉,分秤称金银,论套穿衣服’等思想,充塞于下层社会之头脑中,遂成为哥老、大刀等会……”《水浒传》第44回,两位尚未落草     

“软实力”论

“软实力”(SoftPower)又称“软国力”、“软力量”、“软权力” ,其提出者哈佛大学肯尼迪学院院长、美国国防部前部长助理约瑟夫·奈 (JosephNye)说它是“一种吸引力 ,让别的国家不由自主跟随你”。有学者将之戏称为“在全球化时代游荡在世界各个角落的一个幽灵”。近年来 ,该论越发受世人关注。一、软实力论提出的背景及其发展脉络《美国实力的悖论————世界唯一超级大国为何不能单干》(TheParadoxofAmericanPower :WhyTheWorldsOnlySuperpowerCan’tGoItAlong ,2 0 0 2 )一书 ,是约瑟夫·奈提出软实力论的代表作。此书 2 0 0 2…     

从“温”“瘟”概念区别谈中兽医防治畜禽传染性疾病

(一)“温”“瘟”概念、 及其区别 中医学的有关“温” “瘟”概念,现在多趋于统一 用“温病”,“温疫”等来表述,而不再沿用“瘟病”或“瘟疫”等说法(孟澍江,1985)。相反,中兽医学与之相对应的不仅仍然沿用着“温热病”、“温热”、“温疫”及“瘟疫”或“瘟病”等概念,它们之间的关系还表述为 温热(不传染) 温热病(发热) 温疫 瘟疫(传染) 寒疫(不发热) 我认为,中兽医学这一概念体系不符合中兽医学的实际情况和特点,是一个似是而非的概念体系。这是因为其一,尽管明代吴又可著《温疫论》,就较系统地提出了疠气病因学说,突破了“百病皆     

橘朴的“满洲国”“农民自治”论

在伪满“建国精神的设计者”橘朴的“王道政治”理念中,“农民自治”是其核心内容,是其设计的“满洲国”作为“东洋”农业国家发展的独特道路。橘朴的“满洲国”“农民自治”论的产生,源于其对资本主义前途失望而产生的对第三条道路的追寻理想,是站在对中国社会深刻认知的基础上,糅合日本国内“大亚细亚主义”、农本法西斯主义等思想的产物。其理论中虽然包含一定的理想主义,但主要牵绊着日本侵略者利益的算计,同时缺乏精准的设计和明晰的实现路径,因此,不仅是无法实现的乌托邦,而且最终成为为日本侵略者服务的理论之一。     

“美利坚帝国”论与美国的大战略

“美利坚帝国”论是在新的历史条件下 ,以较过去更直言不讳、更不加掩饰的形式出现的美国支配全球论。它是当今世界力量对比状况的一种突出的反映。 2 1世纪初的美国 ,正在形成新的大战略。不管以何名之 ,也不管其制定者是否使用了“帝国”一词 ,这一战略的宗旨正在于支配世界和改造世界 ,造就和保证一个君临天下式的“美利坚帝国” ,使 2 1世纪成为又一个“美国世纪”。     

“绿化老人”单昭祥的跌宕人生

随着2008北京奥运会的临近，“筑绿色屏障，建生态北京”，“治多伦一亩沙地，还北京一片蓝天”早已成为首都市民耳熟能详的行动口号。     

“修昔底德陷阱”:认识误区与战略应对

从理论角度来看,“修昔底德陷阱”是现实主义尤其是进攻性现实主义理论的观点,即国际权力结构的变迁必然导致国际冲突和战争.从政治战略的视角回到“修昔底德陷阱”的历史起点,格雷厄姆·艾利森等西方学者提出的“修昔底德陷阱”,对雅典和斯巴达以及中国和美国之间关系的认识和类比主要涉及三个方面的误区:实力决定论、战争获益论和双边关系论.这三个误区分别涉及“修昔底德陷阱”形成的客观因素、主观因素和范畴因素.中国应规避“实力决定论”的理论陷阱,把握战略主动;坚持以改革开放战略推动国家的可持续发展和崛起;打造周边命运共同体,建设性管控中美双边关系中的第三方因素.     

Inter-Korean relations and the roles of the US and of the EU

The North Korean nuclear standoff has escalated since North Korea let slip that it was developing nuclear weapons while James Kelly, U.S. Assistant Secretary of East Asian and Pacific Affairs, was visiting Pyongyang in October 2002. The Bush administration has acknowledged that the United States will not discount a preemptive military strike on the suspected nuclear development facilities, and North Korea has stood firm against any pressure to halt its nuclear development from the international community. Dialogue and meetings for international cooperation among the major countries concerned, including Korea, the U.S., Japan and China, have been activated to resolve the nuclear crisis in the Korean Peninsula, especially after the U.S. pronounced an end to its war against Iraq in early May of this year. In the middle of the rapidly changing situation on the Korean peninsula, the inter-Korean reconciliation and cooperation initiated by the Sunshine Policy of the Kim Dae Jung administration and followed by the Roh Moo-hyun administrations Policy of Peace and Prosperity are not separable from the nuclear situation. This paper follows recent developments of inter-Korean relations, illustrates South Koreas stance on the issue and suggests the EUs role on the nuclear issue. This is a revised version of the paper presented at the Asia-EU Journalists Seminar organized by the Asia Europe Foundation and the Korea Press Foundation (KPF), held in Brussels, Belgium, May 22 2003. Financial support from the KPF is gratefully acknowledged.     

海陆复合型地缘政治大国的战略选择与崛起成败

国际体系是一个复杂的利益交互系统,在系统中存在着众多战略层面的施动—反馈模式。地缘政治大国的安全战略选择决定了它与体系其他主要成员间的互动方式,互动方式决定了其可能面临的结构性压力,并最终影响到大国崛起的兴衰成败。通过本项研究可以发现:海陆复合型崛起大国的战略模式可以分为"区域陆权"战略、"全球海权"战略和"区域/全球海陆并举"战略。如果崛起大国尚未形成稳固的陆基周边环境,那么追求"区域陆权"战略是最优选择;如果拥有稳固陆基周边环境,那么追求"全球海权"战略是最优选择。而"海陆并举"战略因"同色竞争"原理,既可能同周边国家陷入"区域陆权"优势的安全困境,也可能同"全球海权"国家陷入争霸战争。因此,"海陆并举"战略往往容易造就一个反对自身崛起的海陆权力联姻。此外,追求单一的"差色互补"原理容易实现海陆功能分异背景下的战略结盟,进而影响大国崛起战略的操作实施。     

The EU and Libya and the Art of the Possible

In spite of geographic proximity and a number of shared interests, the European Union and Libya have a history of strained relations. The war of 2011 provided an opportunity for a fresh start, but so far neither side has been able to reap benefits from an entirely new political situation. Instead, Libya’s difficult internal situation has not only slowed down the process of rapprochement, but also increased EU concern. At a time when cooperation becomes a necessity rather than a choice, Libya is now down-spiralling into implosion at the levels of security, bureaucracy and economy, to the point where it cannot absorb the offers being made.     

China and the WTO: the theory and practice of compliance

Since China joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in December2001, attention has turned to the issue of whether or not Chinais a responsible member of the organization and how compliantChina is with WTO rules. This article discusses the difficultiesfaced by China, as a responsible rising power, in trying toadjust itself to global trading norms. It examines the theoryof compliance in international relations from the perspectivesof neo-realism, liberal institutionalism and social constructivism,and then tests these perspectives by examining the mechanismsused to gauge China's compliance, both bilaterally by the UnitedStates and multilaterally through the Dispute Settlement Mechanismand the Transition Review Mechanism of the WTO. The result ismixed: different opinions exist as to how compliant China hasbeen but, on the whole, most monitors agree that China has triedhard to comply with WTO requirements in various areas, thoughmuch remains to be done. The most severe tests will come inthe next few years when China's financial and service sectorswill have to face fundamental changes to the way they operate.     

美洲国家首脑会议与美洲自由贸易区的前景

自1994年至今共举行了4届美洲国家首脑会议,每届会议均与美国所倡议的美洲自由贸易区有密切关系。2005年11月在阿根廷举行的第四届首脑会议上,美洲国家围绕着是否重启美洲自由贸易区谈判问题产生分歧。一些拉美国家对在香港举行的WTO第六次部长级会议的成果不甚满意。美洲自由贸易区的前景不容乐观。     

从斯大林功过看苏联兴亡——评《苏联兴亡史论》

一　对斯大林功过的评价要与时俱进要考察苏联兴亡的历史进程、总结苏联兴亡的历史经验 ,首先就要探究从列宁到戈尔巴乔夫苏联历届党政首脑的理论、路线、体制和实践的演变问题 ,尤其是涉及对斯大林功过的评价问题。因为斯大林执政时间最长 ,而且苏联的社会主义制度主要是在斯大林执政的 3 0年间( 1 92 3～ 1 95 3年 )建成并且得到巩固的 ,随后 3 0多年苏联斯大林模式没有发生什么大变化。如果我们肯定斯大林是“功大于过”,那么就要肯定苏联的社会主义模式基本上是成功的、优秀的 ,尽管难免还有一些弊端 ,那只要经过小修小补就能更加显示优…     

Campaign Advertising and the Stimulation and Activation of the Authoritarian Personality

This research examines whether authoritarianism can be stimulated and activated by politicians. The traditional belief is that psychological traits are basically quasipermanent structures that consistently determine behavior, but newer research suggests that these traits can be stimulated. This research tests whether campaigns can stimulate traits with targeted messages. I do so by exposing subjects in an experiment to political television advertising that was designed to stimulate known correlates of authoritarianism, such as fear. The results show that authoritarianism is stimulated in treatment groups that watched advertising designed to invoke threat and the strong-father metaphor and the treatment effect is greater on conservatives. I also show that watching these commercials leads to an activation of authoritarianism that influences its predictive power over support for torture. This suggests that politicians can use emotional appeals to stimulate advantageous personality traits, and that these ads also influence the public's attitudes through activation.     

Globalization and the Reform of the International Financial and Monetary Systems

The outbreak of the global financial cdsis has called into question U.S.-style ＂financial capitalism.＂ Protectionism, currency multilateralism, decentralization of financial decision-making power and the nationalism of resources are gaining ground. The emerging economies are on the rise. The world power order is becoming multi-polar. Relations between countries are growing more diverse. The global governance model is undergoing fundamental changes. Global governance mechanisms, which are more representative and reflective of the diverse interests （such as the G20 and the UN climate change conference）, along with a reform of the international monetary system, will also help shape the future world order.     

Uneven and combined confusion: on the geopolitical origins of capitalism and the rise of the west

This article offers a critique of Alexander Anievas and Kerem Ni?ancio?lu’s How the West came to rule: the geopolitical origins of capitalism. We argue that while all historiography features a number of silences, shortcomings or omissions, the omissions in How the West came to rule lead to a mistaken view of the emergence of capitalism. There are two main issues to be confronted. First, we argue that Anievas and Ni?ancio?lu have an inadequate and misleading understanding of “capital” and “capitalism” that tilts them towards a theoretical stance that comes very close to arguing that everything caused capitalism while at the same time having no clear and convincing definition of “capital” or “capitalism”. Second, there are at least three omissions—particular to England/Britain within a geopolitical context—that should be discussed in any attempt to explain the development of capitalism: the financial revolution and the Bank of England; the transition to coal energy; and the capitalization of state power as it relates to war, colonialism and slavery. We conclude by calling for a connected-histories approach within the framework of capital as power.     

离岸市场的发展与人民币国际化的推进

人民币国际化自2009年正式启动以来,在跨境贸易结算等领域取得了很大进展,人民币离岸市场的建设也取得了一定成绩,但目前来看并没有充分发挥预期中的功能,这也引发了各界对人民币国际化模式的进一步讨论。原则上,由于我国资本项目尚未完全开放,离岸市场有助于克服人民币自由流动受限这一障碍。历史经验也表明,在一定条件下离岸市场能够有效地推进货币国际化。人民币国际化应当遵循贸易结算、离岸市场、资本输出、跨国企业四者并举的"中国模式",其中未来的离岸市场发展需要相应的条件和配套准备才能真正为人民币国际化提供引擎。