20世纪90年代以来新加坡高等教育的改革与发展

本文探讨了新加坡20世纪90年代进入大众化阶段之后其高等教育的改革与发展,对其中3个方面的改革做了重点论述与分析:规模扩大后的质量提高、大学的自治改革和高等教育的国际化。这3个方面同样是我国高等教育从大国走向强国必须面对的,新加坡发展高等教育的经验值得我们借鉴参考。     

非洲民主化：外因与内因

影响非洲民主化的因素可以概括为外部和内部两个方面。冷战结束为非洲民主化提供了一个契机,苏联的解体、美国和法国对非洲政策的改变是促使非洲政治改革的外部因素。但与国际环境的改变相比,非洲国家内部人民要求改革的呼声和为此而采取的实际行动则是非洲民主化发展的决定性因素。内外部因素相互作用使有些非洲国家的政治改革走向成功,但有的却没有成功。     

非洲联盟:以联合应对挑战

非洲联盟的正式启动是非洲国家从政治合作走向全面联合的重大战略步骤,是非洲国家应对经济全球化的一种理性选择,体现了非洲大陆从求生存到求发展的历史演进的必然.     

西德对非洲的扩张

野心勃勃的西德新殖民主义非洲历来是德国帝国主义垂涎的地区。1884年,后起的德国帝国主义在非洲攫取了第一块殖民地多哥和喀麦隆沿岸。在第一次世界大战中,德国战敗,退出了非洲。但是,一心向往爭夺“太阳下地盘”的德国帝国主     

论中国对非洲政策的调适与转变

《中国对非洲政策文件》的发表,标志着中国对非洲政策日趋成熟。改革开放以来,中国对非洲政策受到新时期战略决策的影响,已逐步完成意识形态从强调到弱化、交流领域从单一到多元,以及合作性质从注重经济援助到强调互利双赢的三重转变。中国对非洲政策面临四大矛盾:中国国家利益与在非洲的中国企业利益的矛盾、中国企业与非洲企业的矛盾、中国在非洲的利益与西方大国在非洲的利益的矛盾、中国在非洲的能源战略与可持续发展的矛盾。中国只有妥善解决这些矛盾,才能向世界展示一个负责任大国的形象。     

印尼高等教育的发展与改革历程

从1945年到现在,印尼高等教育历经了67年的曲折发展,其发展历程可划分为萌芽阶段、起步阶段、发展改革阶段、国际化阶段.     

埃塞俄比亚高教管理体制研究

埃塞俄比亚高等教育管理体制的演变,经历了从海尔·塞拉西皇帝时期的美国式管理,到军政权统治时期对大学事务的广泛干预,继而到20世纪90年代中期以来的高等教育管理改革,呈现出曲折发展的过程.进入21世纪以来,埃塞政府为促进高等教育大发展,从政策法规制订、经费体制改革、管理机制创新等层面全面推进高教改革,先后出台了"教育和培训政策"、"教育发展五年规划"和<高等教育宣言>等政策性文件.为解决高教经费问题,推行了"成本分担"制和经费分配改革.为提高教育质量和高等教育决策能力,成立了职能机构"高等教育策略中心"和"高等教育质量监管署".改革已取得积极成效.     

非洲城市发展新战略

20 0 3年 1 2月 6日 ,第 3届非洲城市峰会在喀麦隆首都雅温得闭幕 ,会议通过了关于指导非洲未来城市建设的《若干建议和声明》。这是非洲国家作出的对未来城市发展的重要规划。声明指出 ,持久和平、经济发展和增强政治透明度是解决非洲城市基本服务问题的先决条件 ,要促进非洲国家城市的未来发展 ,非洲国家首先应在全面、一致合作的精神指导下 ,调动各方力量 ,维护良好的社会秩序 ,进而积极改善非洲城市的基础设施。这一战略标志着非洲国家和人民对现代城市建设在国家经济建设中的重要作用有了新认识。非洲城市发展新战略@荣宇资料来源:http…     

喀麦隆人民的反帝斗争

在六十年代开始的第一天,黑非洲又出現了一个新独立的国家。法屬喀麦隆結束了托管,取得了独立。这是帝国主义在非洲被迫敗退的又一例証。喀麦隆人民为了摆脫殖民統治,取得民族独立,进行了長期的斗爭。近三年多以来,喀麦隆人民所进行的反帝武装斗爭,也有了进一步的發展,从根本上动搖了帝国主义統治。法帝国主义者在这种情况下,被迫于1958年同意喀麦隆在1960年获得独立。1959年3月联合国大会在西方殖民国家操縱下又通过了美国等国的提案,     

非洲:求稳定、求发展的新局面

1997年,非洲国家在过去的基础上,争取政治稳定、经济发展又取得了可喜的进步,清楚地显现出一种新的局面。这主要表现在以下两个方面。政局总体稳定中的不平衡现象更加突出非洲有53个国家。按照国家的政局是否稳定来看,大体可以分为三部分国家:1、政局稳定的国家超过2/3。在非洲国家的选举中,人们的动向历来是政治气候的晴雨表。到1997年12月中旬,非洲已有20多个国家,象毛里塔尼亚、喀麦隆、马达加斯加、马里、多哥、坦桑尼亚等先后举行总统、议会选举,或政府更迭,或执政党内选举领导人,社会秩序普遍良     

Terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir in theory and practice

This article argues there is a need for a more nuanced analysis of terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir than has been available so far. First, the popular legitimacy of violent groups has little bearing on their operation. Rather, the keys to the intensity of terrorist activity are held by Pakistan's military establishment. Second, the supposedly secular-nationalist movement of the early 1990s was in fact deeply Islamist in character; there has been a greater unity of thought underpinning terrorism than the literature admits. Finally, the article argues, the operation of terrorism needs to be read not simply in the limited context of Jammu and Kashmir, but as part of a larger South Asian crisis of identity.     

Institutional divergence and convergence in the Asia-Pacific? ASEAN in practice and in theory

This paper gives attention to the geopolitics related to the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an alternative model of regionalism in theory and practice. Offering a rough periodization of ASEAN in IR theory, it considers interacting theoretical and empirical developments, and their geopolitics as one way to think about, first, ASEAN, its defining dynamics and processes of change, and, second, ASEAN's relationship to a larger IR theory literature defined by US preoccupations and the institutional trajectory of the European Union. Three periods are considered: a Cold War period, when ASEAN norms and practices developed relatively insulated from great power expectations and theorizing about ASEAN was minimal; the 1990s, when constructivist theorizing encouraged new thinking about alternative institutional models; and the 2000s, a period characterized by correlating great power pressures and a ‘functional’ turn in academic and theoretical debates about ASEAN. Special attention is given to the United States as a major, leading actor in both world politics and the institutionalization of international relations as a discipline, as well as the possibilities and constraints of institutional divergence in theory and practice.     

Islam and politics in Europe and in Asia: Comparative reflections

This article compares the role of religion, and of Islam in particular, in politics in Europe and in South and South East Asia. It starts out with the policy dilemmas facing France, Europe's most secular country that also has Europe's largest immigrant Muslim community. After long debates nation-wide Muslim organisation is now sponsored by the state in order to strengthen moderate Islam in France. In contrast, explicit Christian parties are in decline in most of Europe. Those who are still electorally successful are Christian mostly in name only and have turned into centre-right conservative people's parties instead. Religious discourse in politics has hence vanished almost entirely in Europe. In difference in Asia Islamic opposition parties have managed to set increasingly the political agenda in the majority Islamic states. In those countries with an Islamic minority their public religious agitation serves to strengthen their ethnic minority identity. Meaningful bi-continental dialogue needs to be aware of this discrepancy in religious politics.     

Simultaneous in Growth and Different in Problems

Lu: On many occasions, politics and economy are in the same strain. Economic life is the only process that runs through history and undergoes environmental changes. World economy is the only world system. In today's world, the closer ties among various countries in e- conomy cause the complexity of political and foreign affairs. Last year's world economy took on a new feature. According to past experiences, when the economy in a region turns better, problems will usually arise in another regi…     

中印关系的回顾与展望

60年来,中印两国关系走过了一个不平坦的过程,大体上经历了"蜜月"期、冲突期、冷战期、解冻期、回暖期和加热期这样6个阶段。历史的经验教训说明,中印两国合则互利,斗则两伤,这已成为中印双方的共识。人们有理由相信,随着双方政治互信、经贸互惠、文化互通的日益加强,中印两国能够创造出共同繁荣的景象,能够为亚洲乃至世界和平作出重要贡献。     

经济继续衰退 改革面临困境——2002年拉美经济形势述评

20 0 2年 ,拉丁美洲和加勒比地区 (以下简称拉美地区 )的经济形势可以概括为 :经济继续衰退 ,改革面临困境。根据联合国拉美经济委员会最近发表的年度总结报告 ,拉美地区经济在上年仅增长 0 .4%的基础上 ,2 0 0 2年出现负增长 ( -0 .5% ) ,为最近 2 0年来首次出现负增长。人均国内生产总值 ( GDP)为 -1 .9%。阿根廷、乌拉圭和委内瑞拉的 GDP分别下降 1 1 %、1 0 .5%和 7% ,是衰退最严重的国家 ;秘鲁、多米尼加和厄瓜多尔 3国的增长率超过3 % ,算是拉美地区的佼佼者 ;其他国家的增长率都不到 3 % ,其中巴西和墨西哥两个地区大国分别只增长…     

明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的传播

本文主要探讨明清小说《剪灯新话》在朝鲜的传播、影响及其本土化，并与《剪灯新话》在越南的传播进行宏观对比，探讨《剪灯新话》在朝鲜和越南的不同境遇。     

中日两国对东南亚基础设施投资的竞合及影响研究

在21世纪第二个十年,中国与日本在对东南亚基础设施投资方面展开激烈竞争和初步合作.相对而言,在甄选东南亚基础设施项目进行投资过程中,中国更加追求地缘政治目标,日本则凸显了浓重的重商主义色彩,这在某种程度上缓解了双方的直接竞争.在对东南亚基础设施投资中,中国更多地运用了一种政府驱动、需求引导、自上而下的方法,日本则主要采取了市场驱动、私营部门大力参与、自下而上的方法,这瓦解了双方合作的基础.目前,中国与日本对东南亚基础设施投资的合作只在第三方市场少量地展开.中日两国在东南亚基础设施投资方面的竞争是双方争夺地区影响力的一部分.但是,中国与日本在东南亚各国的基础设施投资竞争并不会造成东盟内部的分裂,相反,考虑到基础设施建设的非流动性,这必将造福于东南亚人民.     

Party competition in emerging democracies: representation and effectiveness in post-communism and beyond

Competition among political parties is subject to two demands: representation and effectiveness. This poses a dilemma for democratization, as the political opening creates pressures for the representation of long-suppressed voices, but the strain of socio-economic transformation engenders pressures for greater effectiveness in building market economies and democratic polities. How do new democracies cope with this dilemma? This article extends the author's previously published work on party-system institutionalization by focusing explicitly on this problem, including on how electoral reforms affect the distinct pulls of representation and effectiveness. Based on data from eastern European and former Soviet states compared to western European and Latin American experiences during their initial periods of democratization, the evidence shows that the institutionalization of representation and effectiveness in post-communism is more hazardous. Politics in the post-communist region is characterized by numerous contending parties, weak political actors and floating constituencies. Volatility is not only higher in comparison to other regions but continues unabated during successive elections. These conditions contribute to the ‘ineffective representation’ evident in the relatively large share of wasted votes at each election, with significant sectors of the electorate left out from legislative representation. Electoral reforms reflect the twin pressures: changes in formula in the direction of proportional representation favour broader representation, but higher thresholds seeking greater effectiveness make more difficult entry into parliament. The resulting mechanical and strategic effects confirm the expected direction of the reforms, although the contrary pulls towards representation and effectiveness render difficult the stabilization of party competition.