论日本近代民族主义的思想起源——读会泽安《新论》

近代民族主义的形成有其历史的原因.在吸收相关理论的基础上,从亚洲的历史事实出发去研究亚洲近代民族主义的起源与形成,是一个重要的课题.会泽安在《新论》中对世界形势的分析主要来自他对西洋列强的军事威胁的认识.对海防问题的思考与以"祭政一致"为主要特点的"国体"论构成了《新论》的核心内容.《新论》作为一份思想文本,对明治维新以及近代日本国家的走向产生了影响,为日本近代民族主义的形成提供了理论基础.重读《新论》有助于我们历史地考察日本近代民族主义的思想起源.     

从欧化主义到国家主义:日本明治时代的教育理念及其实践

明治时期的日本教育经历了一个由欧化主义到传统主义再到国家主义,各种教育理念相互冲突、相互交融的发展演变过程。1890年《教育敕语》的颁布,标志着日本以"忠孝"为核心的教育理念的基本确立。教育思想转变的过程也是国内政治思潮发展变化的真实写照。通过分析日本明治时期各个阶段教育理念及其在不同教育理念下所制定的教育政策,进一步剖析了日本由传统国家向近代国家转变过程中传统与近代、东方与西方思想文化冲突及其融合的过程,以及各种思想与政治力量相互结合对日本近代走向所产生的影响。     

中国人眼中的日本和平运动——以《人民日报》的报道为中心

本文以中共中央机关报《人民日报》对日本和平运动的相关报道为中心,介绍了中华人民共和国成立以来中国人对日本和平运动从积极声援到实际支援,经文革前期批判日共宫本显治集团所领导的和平运动,支持日本人民的反美斗争,以及中日复交后近十年对日本和平运动的漠视,再到重新关注和研究日本和平运动的发展演变历程,总结了各个阶段中国人的日本和平运动观的特点,分析了目前日本和平运动未能引起中国人共感的主要原因。     

“征韩论”与板垣退助晚年的对韩认识

板垣退助晚年的对韩认识和态度可以概括为三个方面。第一是对未能早日实现"征韩论"表示遗憾;其次是对近代日本在半岛上实行的帝国主义政策进行维护和辩解;再者则是为统治朝鲜半岛积极出谋划策。他从地缘和历史的角度视朝鲜半岛为日本国家安全保障的外廓,辩称日本在半岛上实行的政策都是为了维护"和平",绝非侵略,甚至认为日本吞并朝鲜是"出于迫不得已"。他既对日本吞并朝鲜欢欣鼓舞,也为"征韩论"未能早日实现表示遗憾。其实质,可以说是为了维护本国的国权而完全忽视他国的国权,这是其思想的最大局限和最为人批评之处。     

教育敕语形成过程研究述要

1890年10月30日发布的教育敕语是日本明治政权表达自己教育理念的经典之作。其历史地位与关联度之高,在近代日本的诸多文件中是罕见其匹的。诚如著名日本思想史学者王家骅所说:"《教育敕语》的影响不仅在教育方面,而是涉及了日本政府的全部思想文化政策,影响及日本的政治、经济、军事各方面,成为日本天皇制国家的观念支柱之一。"①所以关于教育敕语形成过程的研究历来受到学界的重视。     

从《竹取物语》看日本平安时期的文化转型

《竹取物语》是日本最早的物语作品,它诞生于日本从"唐风文化"向"国风文化"的转型时期。在《竹取物语》的叙事风格和思想内容中,既包含许多中国的传统文化元素,同时也具有日本独特的审美情趣和文化特征。研究《竹取物语》不仅有助于了解日本物语文学的叙事特点,还能进一步认识平安时期日本文化转型的一些特征。     

关于永久和平的两种讨论——康德《永久和平论》与哈贝马斯《论康德的永久和平观念》的对比阅读

18世纪康德的《永久和平论》探讨了现代国家意义上的永久和平 ;2 1世纪哈贝马斯在《论康德的永久和平观念》中试图修正其前辈的观念 ,引起了我们极大的兴趣。康德在国家主权的前提下讨论“永久和平” ,出发点在于“世界公民权利” ;哈贝马斯越过国家主权讨论“永久和平” ,出发点在于人权。哈贝马斯在其文第三部分提出对康德的修正 ,这一部分集中反映了二者的分歧。哈贝马斯认为 :世界公民权利必须加以制度化 ,并对所有政府都具有约束力 ,国家共同体必须以制裁作为威胁 ,至少能够做到督促他的成员做出合法的行为……也就是说 ,从法律上调节…     

田中智学的日莲主义国体论研究

田中智学的日莲主义国体论是在大正初期社会危机的背景下,以日莲的佛教思想为纽带,将日本建国神话与《法华经》相结合,鼓吹尊皇主义与日本中心主义的思想体系。日莲主义国体论围绕天皇、日本两个主题,形成了扶持天皇绝对权威、美化对外侵略战争的思想逻辑。这一体系在满足了近代日本膨胀的民族主义情绪的同时,又在昭和时期被超国家主义、法西斯主义利用,成为了对外侵略思想的罪恶基石。     

中、韩、日三国历史共同读本《东亚三国的近现代史》中文版首发式在京举行

由中、韩、日三国学者和教师历经三年共同编篡、面向三国青年学生的近现代历史读本《东亚三国的近现代史》,日前在中、韩、日三国同时出版。继韩国、日本举办该书的新闻发布会后,由本书的中文版编写和出版单位中国社会科学院近代史研究所和社会科学文献出版社共同主办的“《东亚三国的近现代史》中文版首发式”于2005于6月9日在中国社会科学院举行。中宣部、中共中央外宣办、新闻出版总署以及中国社会科学院等单位的领导与专家学者出席会议并就东亚和平与发展问题进行了研讨。《东亚三国的近现代史》以中、韩、日三国的近代历史为叙述对象,…     

富有批判精神的日本近代思想家--以长谷川如是闲和津田左右吉为例

在思想多姿多彩的日本近代,思想大家不断涌现,其中富有批判精神的长谷川如是闲和津田左右吉极具魅力.长谷川的“国家批判”是对游离于“生活”的近代日本国家形态的批判,津田的“否定史学”则意在构筑以“国民思想”为主体的日本文化.他们的共同目标就是解决传统和近代的矛盾,回答如何构建近代日本文化的问题.惟其如此,他们的思想对战后的日本产生了深远的影响.     

近三十年来中江兆民思想研究

近年来关于中江兆民的研究主要涉及其哲学思想、政治思想及汉学对其影响等方面。中江兆民研究始于20世纪80年代,起步于对其哲学思想的研究,随后逐渐扩展到其他方面。总的来说数量上是有所增加的,质量也有所提高,但视角还不够丰富。总之,对于这样一个在日本近代史上占有重要地位的思想家来说,目前国内的研究还有其不足之处。     

亚欧关系的历史跨越--从日内瓦会议到亚欧会议

日内瓦会议是两极格局下两大阵营抗衡对峙过程中召开的和平协商会议,是大国较量的另一"战场";亚欧会议是冷战后和平与发展背景下形成的东西方对话合作论坛,并逐步形成一种相对稳定机制.从日内瓦会议到亚欧会议的历史昭示是,和平协商与平等对话反映了当代国际关系发展的潮流和趋势.今年10月河内第五届亚欧会议,为亚欧会议更具有活力、更富有成效作出了贡献.     

中国对六方会谈的战略思考及演变

20世纪90年代中期以后,中国开始积极利用多边安全合作维护自身的利益。为了解决朝核危机,中国促成了六方会谈,并在会谈中发挥了建设性作用。和平解决朝核问题、维护国家安全以及通过会谈改善中美关系是中国的重要战略思考。提高国际形象以及推动朝核六方会谈向机制化方向发展也是中国的长远考虑。因六方会谈的长期中断和国际形势的变化,中国的基本战略思考也发生了微妙的演变,即中国希望朝核六方会谈的机能向一般意义上的安全对话平台方向扩展。另外,通过推动重启六方会谈的实际行动,表露了半岛危机必须和平解决的立场,借以维护朝鲜体制安定,同时也表现了愿与美国协作、和平解决地区安全问题的态度,以避免新的冷战出现。     

20世纪初韩国的和平思想——日本的“东洋和平论”批判和韩中日间合作的探索

20世纪初期,在日本帝国主义进行侵略和扩张的过程中,伊藤博文政府为了建立"东洋和平"和西方势力抗衡,主张在韩中日之间开展合作。但事实上这种主张不过是把当时以日本为中心的东北亚地区秩序合法化的说辞。针对这一点,安重根、安昌浩、申采浩等韩国独立运动家指出国家正处于丧失国权的危机之中,在对日本主张的"东洋和平"进行批判的同时,强调只有在韩国等周边国家的独立得到保障的情况下才有可能实现真正意义上的"东洋和平"。1910年日本帝国主义强行合并韩国以后,申采浩、朴殷植等韩国独立运动家在指出日本合并韩国的非法性的同时,还强调韩中日等东北亚地区国家间建立在信任基础上的交流和合作的重要性,主张韩国的独立有利于"东洋和平与世界和平"。尤其值得一提的是,柳麟锡在强调韩中关系在东北亚的重要性及中国作用的同时,还提出了韩中日三国在相互信任的基础上朝着共生关系发展的构想。     

Sport for Peace: A New Era of International Cooperation and Peace through Sport

“O Sport, You are Peace!

You forge happy bonds between the peoples

by drawing them together in reverence for strength

which is controlled, organised and self disciplined.

Through you the young of the entire world

learn to respect one another,

and thus the diversity of national traits becomes a source

of generous and peaceful emulation!”

Pierre De Coubertin (The founder of the modern Olympic Movement)

Sport is an excellent and powerful tool to promote peace, tolerance, and peaceful coexistence. Sport can bring together people of different ethnicities, nationalities, race, skin color, culture and religion. Sport promotes values, such as respect, honesty and cooperation. Sport has the power and ability to overcome the intercultural and political barriers. Sport can be the significant component of social integration. This article brings into the discussion the theme of sport for peace and a positive role of sport for international cooperation and peace. There is a limited amount of research and literature on the theme of sport and peace or sport for peace. The unique and positive power of sport for bringing about peace and peaceful solutions is not well researched and understood. Therefore, the reason for this article is to try to fill the gap in the existing literature on the theme of sport for peace and broaden the discussion about it. The article focuses on sport for peace initiatives implemented by the International Olympic Committee (IOC), the United Nations (UN) and its agencies, like UNESCO, UNICEF, UNHCR and non-governmental organizations and international sport federations. The article also examines the sport for peace initiatives from Japan, in the example of the Sport for Tomorrow (SFT) Programme of the Japanese Government for Tokyo 2020 Olympic and Paralympic Games and contribution by Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) in promoting and fostering friendship, cooperation, and peace in the world.     

Revisiting China’s “peaceful rise”: Implications for India

This article explores the significance and relevance of the concept of China's peaceful rise and its implications for India. Though the concept suddenly lost its usage and was replaced by a more modest term, peaceful development, the basic tenets of the peaceful rise concept hold considerable relevance. Peaceful rise is a concept aimed at managing the consequences of China's rise as a great power. Essentially, while it reiterates China's foreign policy of peace and common development of all, it also indicates a paradigm shift in Chinese foreign policy. Since the essence of peaceful rise is to support a peaceful international order, the concept imparts a peaceful relationship between India and China.     

South Africa’s peacebuilding in the DRC: Convergence and dissonance with the liberal model

The task of transforming countries affected by conflict towards sustainable peace has been a persistent problem. In response to growing intra-state conflict in the post-Cold War era, it has become the norm to prescribe a cocktail of liberal democracy and free-market economics as a universal formula for building peaceful societies. South Africa, since its post-democratic emergence into global affairs, has also been active in promoting peace in Africa along similar lines. This article embarks on an exploratory qualitative analysis of South Africa’s peacebuilding engagements in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). It aims to contribute a better understanding of South Africa’s peacebuilding engagements by utilising the DRC case study to point out areas of convergence and dissonance with the dominant liberal model of peacebuilding. The article finds that, although peppered with successes and failures, South Africa does approach peacebuilding in a unique manner. It also calls for a revision of South Africa’s approach, given the varying levels of success in the DRC.     

Transformation of African armies through emphasis on education rather than training during the post-conflict,reconstruction and development phase

It is a recognised universal norm that the role of senior military officers in the decision-making process of a country emerging from conflict, remains high. This is because the unease of the still-fragile, democratic civilian structures needs time and a peaceful environment to reclaim their political space and become assertive. The result of this skewed politico-military relationship has, however, shown that during this period of military policy dominance, decisions taken tend to be aggressive and concerned with the short term, and are generally uninformed by other prevailing worldviews. They are therefore detrimental to national security and stability. The most illustrative example has been during the Third Reich in Germany, when decisive decision-making by the German Reichswehr Officer Corps culminated in catastrophe for that country in 1918 and 1945. On the African continent, in the last decade, both the United Nations and the Africa Union have recognised that the role of the military in national affairs has reversed peaceful settlements, as a consequence of a lack of tolerance, conceptually remaining locked in the era of conflict. To reverse the trend, before 2005/6, the UN and AU embarked on intense debate and adopted policy recommendations designed to enhance peace building in the post-conflict phase. The result was the adoption of the UN 2005 Peace-building Commission and the AU’s 2006 Post Conflict and Reconstruction (PCRD). The purpose of this article is to raise awareness and advocate an emphasis on education, rather than training, for the Officers Corps and their armies on the continent. This should begin the peaceful transformation which has remained elusive since the end of the Cold War in the 1990s.     

Civil-Military Affairs and Security Institutions in the Southern Cone: The Sources of Argentine-Brazilian Nuclear Cooperation

This paper analyzes the conditions in which the governments of Argentina and Brazil founded security institutions in the early 1990s, while they were democratizing. It advances the hypothesis that international cooperation in the security field is often linked to the evolution of civil-military relations. Civilian leaders in both countries established institutions and sought international participation deliberately to achieve civilian control and gain leverage over the military establishment, which they sorely distrusted. The need to stabilize civil-military relations at home was therefore the prime motivating force behind the emergence of security institutions in the Southern Cone. Three mechanisms were at work: omnibalancing, policy handling, and managing uncertainty. These mechanisms are derived from three different schools of thought: realism, organizational-bureaucratic models, and theories of domestic political institutions. Besides explaining the sources of nuclear bilateral cooperation, this argument also serves as a critique of two prominent theories in international relations that attempt to explain cooperation and peaceful relations among democracies: neoliberal insti-tutionalism and democratic peace theory.