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1.
ABSTRACT

Kølvraa’s article focuses on the cultural imaginary of the Scandinavian extreme right by analysing the online presence of the so-called Nordic Resistance Movement. He seeks to show how the cultural imaginaries of this National Socialist organization make use of the Scandinavian Viking heritage in three distinct ways. First, to produce a distinctly Nordic form of National Socialism and thus potentially make this ideology palatable to Nordic publics. Second, to differentiate their racially oriented political project from a wider far-right or populist right concern with the defence of European Christian heritage and/or civilization against Islam. And, third, to thematize and perform a certain hyper-masculine identity, especially in the context of martial and sporting competitions arranged by the organization.  相似文献   

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《公共管理学报》2004-2005年载文统计分析   总被引:3,自引:1,他引:2  
应用文献计量学的方法,对《公共管理学报》2年共8期刊载的110篇文章的著者情况、信息密度、出版时滞,论文的地区分布及内容构成,引文情况和2005年的投稿、录用情况进行了统计分析,得出论文选题逼近前沿,研究深入,总体上具有高起点、高质量的显著特征和较强的新颖性;通过对载文的分析也从一个侧面反映出公共管理学科的研究重心、研究方式和研究方法的发展趋势.  相似文献   

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This paper is an exploratory attempt to view the role that social experiments in general, and the income maintenance experiments and work/welfare demonstrations in particular, have played in the policy process through the lens provided by the knowledge utilization literature. In addition to suggesting that the decision to conduct a social experiment is rarely, if ever, made according to an essentially rational paradigm, this framework helps highlight the range of uses to which findings from social experiments can be put and the circumstances under which various types of uses are more or less likely. Specifically, the knowledge utilization literature suggests that rather than having the dramatic, decisive effects on policy choices that their promoters have often envisioned, social experiments are more likely to affect policy in a variety of subtle ways.  相似文献   

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Thomas Stratmann 《Public Choice》2005,124(1-2):135-156
The financing of political campaigns is an area of active scholarly study. I review some of the recent literature and discuss important methodological issues that arise in empirical research on campaign expenditures and campaign contributions. The effects of campaign expenditures and advertising on candidate and ballot-measure elections are summarized, as are the impacts of contributions on contributors’ welfare. Many states have changed their campaign finance laws in the past few years, and I describe work that exploits variations in these laws. A discussion of the strategies used by interest groups to allocate their campaign contributions provides insights into contributors’ motives.  相似文献   

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Indicator systems to report on concepts such as sustainability and progress have become a key policy response by governments to concerns over environmental degradation and social and economic instability. When developed by a national bureau, public service imperatives suggest that concepts such as ‘sustainability’ and ‘progress’ should be addressed without offending the ideology of political actors. We offer a case study of the Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) Measures of Australia's Progress (MAP) indicator system. The ABS has chosen to avoid offering a clear definition of what progress means, or a conceptual framework linked to a definition to explain the selection of indicators. ‘Progress’, however, is a socially defined, normative concept. Such concepts cannot be understood without reference to cultural and political processes. By seeking to avoid a perception of cultural or political bias the ABS has limited MAP's capacity to measure progress. We conclude with suggestions on how MAP might be improved.  相似文献   

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家庭结构及其变动和人们的死亡观念是理解农村已婚青年女性自杀的关键因素。婆媳关系和夫妻关系及两者变迁所呈现出来的双重失衡状态,使得处于劣势地位的已婚青年女性容易走上自杀之路。人们相信死后还有一个存在的世界,并认为在死后的这个世界中,能够看到对造成她们自杀死亡者的惩罚,因而,自杀成为已婚青年女性寻求救助的一种手段。在这两大因素背后,更为基础的社会实践推动了自杀的产生。社会实践现场中自杀后的一系列表达是构成农村已婚青年女性对自杀死亡后进行想象的现实基础。现实生活中这种社会实践的上演与习练,会通过女性意念的投射与模化映置到未来的自杀实践中。  相似文献   

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Howlett  Michael 《Publius》1991,21(1):121-142
This article examines the process of constitutional change surroundingthe enactment of the natural-resource amendment (Section 92A)to the Canadian Constitution Act (1982). It traces the motivationsbehind the adoption of the clause to a combination of long-termexogenous factors originating in the OPEC-inspired price risesof the 1970s, and short-term endogenous factors particular toCanada's political and institutional arrangements, includingunpredictable patterns of judicial arbitration of constitutionalissues. The presence of endogenous and exogenous "shocks" tolong-established constitutional modus vivendi allows some predictionsto be made about the general nature and direction of futureconstitutional change. However, the workings of short-term politicaland institutional variables make it impossible to predict theexact content of the constitutional response to such influences.This finding supports Banting and Simeon's hypothesis that constitutionalchange is political process subject to political forces in societyand that constitutional change, like constitution-making, remainsan art and not a science.  相似文献   

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王沛沛对CSSCI关键词标引次数和论文被引频数两组数据的分析表明:1998-2008年间青年研究的研究热点主要包括青少年内各种群体的研究,青少年人的教育问题,青年人的心理、行为、性别与人际关系研究以及青年群体中的文化与价值观研究等。而从关键词标引变化表明,青年研究热点与社会变迁尤其是政策演变紧密相关,而且还与社会热点相联系。另外,对《青年研究》中的作者进行分析,展示青年研究中的核心作者群。  相似文献   

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采用文献计量方法,从研究主题热点、研究方法、研究者队伍、引文与被引情况等方面,对《政治学研究》2000-2015年刊载的1021篇研究性论文进行统计分析.结果表明:16年来,中国政治学研究主流领域是政治行为和政治文化,政治行为、政治发展、政治性质是一级主题热点,政治管理、政治学的性质、政治民主和政治统治是二级主题热点;政治学研究方法以传统思辨式定性研究为主,缺乏实证、定量研究;政治学研究者研究方向稳定性不足,产文单位以高校为主,高产论文单位是中国社会科学院,作者合著率低,主要为独著;作者引用文献主要是中文期刊和著作,高频被引文献主要源自政治行为、政治发展领域,高频被引作者为陈剩勇、周平.由此,提出政治学研究的未来发展取向,为我国政治学的健康发展提供有益借鉴.  相似文献   

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《West European politics》2013,36(1):200-219
European(ist) scholars have largely followed their American(ist) colleagues in the formulation of theories about delegation of powers to non-majoritarian institutions, most notably through the application of principal-agent models of relations between legislative principals and their executive and judicial agents. This article suggests that Europeanists can once again learn from recent developments in both theory and method in the study of delegation in American politics. The first section discusses the methodological challenges of testing hypotheses about the conditions under which agents might enjoy some degree of autonomy from their legislative principals, and draws lessons from the recent Americanist literature. The section examines the development in American politics of a second wave of principal-agent analysis which aims to formulate and test hypotheses about the conditions under which legislative principals might delegate authority and discretion to bureaucratic agents. The third and final section of the article examines some preliminary applications of the principal-agent approach to the European Union and to the comparative study of European parliamentary democracies, and proposes a research agenda for the comparative study of national-level delegation in the parliamentary systems of Western Europe.  相似文献   

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This article discusses the political possibilities of personal forgiveness in transitional justice. Personal forgiveness is extended by a single human victim who has been harmed by a wrongdoer. The victim forgives only that harm which has been done to him or to her. Personal forgiveness is distinguishable from three other forms of forgiveness: group forgiveness, legal forgiveness (a form of group forgiveness), and political forgiveness. In the context of transitional justice, I argue that: (1) personal forgiveness is a necessary condition for political forgiveness; (2) group forgiveness (including legal forgiveness), while not without a normative function, cannot effectuate either personal or political forgiveness, and (3) personal forgiveness requires a shared narrative framework to lead to political forgiveness. These assertions lead to two further observations. First, because the state has a normative role in its (limited) capacity to forgive on its own behalf and a practical role in its ability to spread and to transmit a shared narrative framework, the state is an important actor in political forgiveness. Second, because the primary historical example of political forgiveness in transitional justice is the South African Truth and Reconciliation Commission that unfolded within an explicitly Christian theological framework, it may be that the shared narrative framework need be religious or even Christian in nature.
John D. InazuEmail:
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16.
ABSTRACT

Rodríguez Maeso and Araújo analyse the reproduction of a dominant understanding of racism in policy discourses of integration and discrimination used by monitoring agencies in Portuguese and European Union (EU) institutional contexts. More specifically, they question the political concern over racism and discrimination vis-à-vis the idea of Europe ‘becoming increasingly diverse’ and the need to gather ‘evidence’ of discrimination. To that end, they examine periodic reports issued by EU monitoring agencies since the 1990s—paying specific attention to reporting on school segregation of Roma pupils in Portugal—and national integration policies and initiatives that, since the 2000s, have targeted mainly Roma and black families and youth. They argue that the dominant discourse of integration and cultural diversity conceives of racism as external to European political culture, and as a ‘factor’ of the ‘conflictive nature’ of social interactions in ethnoracially heterogeneous settings. This paves the way for calls for the ‘strengthening of social cohesion’—on the assumption that policy initiatives need to act on the ‘characteristics’ of so-called ‘vulnerable’ populations—whereas institutional arrangements and everyday practices remain unchallenged.  相似文献   

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The aim of this article is to critically interrogate articulations of environmental citizenship in contemporary Turkey. Specifically, I analyse articulations of environmental citizenship through citizen and activist narratives taken from interviews and focus group discussions. I argue that first, scalar focus on local spaces and individuated responsibility for action that emerge from the narratives are crucial to understand future environmental politics and possibilities in this context. Invoking recent discussions related to the politics and performativities of scale, in particular, allows consideration of the politics of visibility and other consequences of these scalar foci. Second, themes from narrative analysis show key convergences with Europeanization- and neoliberalization-related discourses and shifts. The resonance and overlap between these discourses and practices is significant, particularly as it shows citizen receptivity towards broader ideas related to increased citizen responsibility. As such, the research contributes to efforts to move away from theorization of processes such as neoliberalism as top-down, instead enabling examination of ways that these ideals are taken up, expressed, and refashioned by everyday citizens. The third argument that emerges from the analysis, following from the first two, is the need to theorize power more fully in discussions of environmental citizenship. Bridging with neoliberalism discussions is one possible way to move such a project forward.  相似文献   

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《"健康中国2030"规划纲要》明确提出突出解决好重点人群的健康问题,建立成熟、定型的全民医疗保险体系.比较城镇基本医疗保险制度对参保居民健康相关生命质量的影响,对于完善城市基本医疗保障制度、进一步提高卫生服务可及性、实现"全民健康"具有重要意义.研究采用2013年陕西省第五次国家卫生服务调查数据,首次采用广义精确匹配法(CEM)控制混杂因素对评估结果的影响.研究基于我国的EQ-5D效应值积分体系计算EQ-5D健康效应值,采用集中指数法、集中指数分解法等方法分别计算参保居民和未参保居民健康相关生命质量的公平性.研究结果显示,城镇职工基本医疗保险显著提高了参保居民的健康相关生命质量,而城镇居民基本医疗保险的影响并不显著;其次,城镇职工基本医疗保险显著提高了参保居民的健康相关生命质量公平性,而城镇居民基本医疗保险的影响并不显著;最后,健康相关生命质量不平等性主要由年龄、教育程度、人均消费性支出等变量解释,参保居民的水平公平性均大于未参保居民.  相似文献   

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