A Convergence of Rival Ideologies: The Sociological and Organizational Structures of Anti-labour Politics in Turkey

?erif Mardin, one of Turkey's most prominent sociologists, recently stated that ‘there is a deep silence about the working class in Turkey'. This article will try to analyse the factors that cause this ‘deep silence', which, paradoxically, is observed even by the competing Kemalist and Islamic political actors. In other words, the ‘deep silence' refers to the common perspective on the working class of the otherwise different and competing groups. This can be called their solidaristic view, the purpose of which is essentially to provide solidarity among government officials, merchants and peasants that eventually formed the basis of European corporatism. Although it outlines the historical manifestation of the solidarist view, this paper focuses particularly on how Islamic actors maintain that view. This is a problem that requires the examination of various factors around a key question. How is it that competing groups are in harmony in the matter of their ideological positions on the working class?     

Restoring a Lost Identity: Models of Education in Modern Islamic Thought

Education occupied a central position in modern Islamic thought. It aimed at purifying faith, but also at nurturing activism in the service of Islam and the community. Education was required to be holistic, strengthening both soul and body. It embraced all aspects of life and was conveyed by diverse means, ranging from communal involvement to political revolution. The broad scope of this education was impelled by the comprehensiveness of the Islamic religion, but also by the multifaceted nature of Westernization itself. The corrupting presence of hedonistic culture backed by indigenous regimes heightened the functional aspect of the pedagogic realm in Islamic discourse more than ever before. Re-education was perceived as the main lever for achieving cultural authenticity and as a core component of identity politics. The paper offers a contextualized reading of education in Islamic thought, an issue largely overlooked in the scholarly literature, which has focused more on socio-political aspects of the modern Islamic revival.     

Turkey and Iran: limits of a stable relationship

Throughout the twentieth century, Turkey and Iran have enjoyed peaceful, if not always cordial relations. The Cold War strategic orientations of these two neighbours solidified that relationship. The Iranian Revolution posed the first major challenge to the stability of the Turco‐Iranian relations. However, throughout the 1980s Turkish and Iranian officials adroitly managed their differences, though they did not succeed in resolving them. During the 1990s, the pressures and polarities impinging upon Turco‐Iranian relations have both multiplied and intensified. Ranging from the exertion of US influence on Turkey, to the changing political dynamics in Turkey and Iran, Turco‐Iranian relations today rest on unsteady ground. Although the exact course which Turco‐Iranian relations will take remains unclear, there is reason to be concerned about its current state. For, to a significant degree, the stability and prosperity of the Middle East region depends to a significant degree on maintaining the stability of Turco‐Iranian relations.     

当今日本社会离婚现象透视

日本作为一个东方国家,深受儒家思想影响,有着一套传统的家族制度体系。但是自20世纪90年代以来,日本社会的离婚率持续攀高,甚至超过某些发达的资本主义国家,成为离婚大国。当今日本社会的离婚,呈现出数量多、年龄段偏高、女性占主导地位等一些新的特点。离婚热的出现,不再只是一个孤立的社会现象,它对个人、家庭乃至整个社会都有着直接的影响,由此引发出一系列的家庭和社会问题。针对这一现象,日本政府和民间组织纷纷行动起来,期望人们能够慎重对待婚姻,降低离婚率,从而稳定家庭与社会。     

Emergence of a Dominant Party System After Multipartyism: Theoretical Implications from the Case of the AKP in Turkey

This study aims to provide insights into how and why a dominant party system emerges after an era of multipartyism. Conceptualising the emergence phase of a dominant party system within the framework of Sartori's ‘predominant party system’, it elaborates the causal weight of different theories within the Turkish context through a comparative-historical analysis. Comparing the case of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) with the Justice Party (AP), it argues that perceptions of an incumbent's good economic performance and lack of centrifugal intra-party conflicts are two crucial factors that lead to the emergence of a dominant party system after multipartyism. Restrictive electoral rules and existing social cleavages, however, create a favourable setting for this outcome.