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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):233-256
In her introductory essay to this special issue on refugees and xenophobia--in which the articles focus primarily on asylum-seekers,2 mostly in the United Kingdom, but also in France and Ireland--guest editor Liza Schuster draws on the work of the contributors and on her own research in Britain, France, Germany and Italy to address the treatment of asylum-seekers by European states. European liberal democracies share a common commitment to granting asylum to those in need of protection, a commitment made legally binding by signing the 1951 Geneva Convention relating to the Status of Refugees. They also share a commitment to principles of equality and non-discrimination. However, in recent years European states have embraced practices that permit discrimination against and unequal treatment of asylum-seekers, and recent British government proposals threaten the 1951 Convention itself. Schuster interrogates some of the underlying assumptions of asylum policies in the United Kingdom in particular, but also with reference to other European states, arguing that common-sense assertions of the ‘need for control’, which underlie the differential treatment of asylum-seekers in particular, are expressions of a racism at the heart of European states. She further argues that, at the border, racism intersects in a complex and shifting way with class and gender, creating a hierarchy of the excluded. Following a discussion of racism and these other modalities of exclusion, Schuster examines practices through which this racism is articulated. 相似文献
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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):323-340
Anti-racist movements in France have been characterized by their strong political orientation and their tendency to be highly centralized. However, in the past decade the increasing salience of the position of ‘new immigrants’, a term that in France is used to include asylum-seekers, has been accompanied by a shift in the form and content of anti-racist mobilization. Support for asylum-seekers has been provided by a multiplicity of specialist national and local organizations developing modes of solidarity that are more akin to welfare, social work or humanitarian aid than the more directly and overtly political interventions common among French anti-racists. At the same time local committees have developed in places of high tension, but at some distance from the political limelight of Paris. Lloyd examines some of these developments in the context of the crisis of provision for asylum-seekers in France. After setting out some basic information about asylum, undocumented migrants and the law in France she examines the political debate about ‘the new immigrants’ and racism. Comparing the relatively successful sans papiers movement of the 1990s with the difficulties of organizing among and with more isolated, transient and socially deprived asylum-seekers, she discusses the way in which this new set of issues has challenged the main anti-racist organizations and given rise to new actors and alliances. 相似文献
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随着全球化进程逐步深入,政策议程已经越来越多地受到跨国经验的影响.各种团体、国际组织以及各类政策制定者越来越多地转移国际经验到本国的政治、经济与社会中,而处于这一进程中的我国政策制定必将更加不可避免地受到这一趋势的影响.因此,如何适应这一新形势的要求,研究政策转移的特点及规律,特别是探索一个符合中国国情的政策转移体系,以对当下我国政策过程实践有所启发和帮助,是我们亟待解决的新课题.文章以全球化为背景,通过对我国政策转移的回顾与反思,针对影响我国政策转移的主要障碍及其症结,尝试建构当前我国政策转移的框架体系及保障机制,以供我国政策转移实践之参考. 相似文献
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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):277-300
In October 1945 an ‘anti-alien’ petition was launched in the London Borough of Hampstead that, under the pretext of securing homes for returning ex-servicemen, campaigned for the removal of the district's predominantly Jewish refugee population. By examining the nature of support and opposition to the petition Macklin's local case study provides further evidence to suggest that reactions to those who had fled Nazi terror remained complex. Those who did find sanctuary were characterized by the local press not as ‘deserving victims’, but as the cause of the problems created by their Nazi persecutors. A detailed examination of the rhetoric of the petition movement reveals how this defence of local amenities against ‘alien‘ encroachment can rightfully be defined as ‘antisemitic’. Following an analysis of the role of the local press, Macklin examines its impact on, and interaction with, local and central government policy regarding reconstruction and immigration, which continued to be dominated by the dogma that harmonious race relations necessitated the strict control of immigrants, regardless of the desperation of their plight. He concludes by examining the media's symbiotic relationship with extremist and fascist politics. 相似文献
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《Journal of Civil Society》2013,9(1):5-17
Abstract Globalization is producing a global society of some sort. Three leading forms are on offer: Global Civil Society, Global Islam and Global America. This essay presents an analysis of globalization as a process, and then a discussion of each of the three possible forms, while recognizing that contingency prevails in history. With this said, the odds are against Global Islam succeeding. Rather, the most likely outcome seems to be the ‘hijacking’ of Global Civil Society by the US. The reasons for this are given, plus a glance at alternative possibilities. 相似文献
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JENNIFER BYRNE 《Politics & Policy》2011,39(4):485-514
This study expands the literature by examining how the relationship between ethnic/cultural, civic, and liberal conceptions of American national identity shapes attitudes toward immigrants. Using two cross‐sectional datasets, an ordinal logit model, and predicted probability scenarios, I find that an unequal balance (i.e., strong favoring of one or more dimensions at the expense of the others) of these three different dimensions of national identity results in extremely negative or positive attitudes toward immigrants, while those that hold moderate levels of these three elements of identity are likely to express neutral‐to‐positive attitudes. I argue that it is the balance between these dimensions that is important in shaping individual attitudes toward immigrants, making it essential to determine not just individual support for each dimension of national identity but the support of each dimension vis‐à‐vis each other. 相似文献
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《Patterns of Prejudice》2012,46(3):257-276
The current hostility of the media, politicians, state and public against asylum-seekers in Britain is unprecedented in its intensity. Rarely in modern British history have those campaigning for refugee rights been so isolated, marginalized and silenced. Kushner explores how it has been possible to couch the campaign against asylum-seekers in a discourse of morality: the need to protect ‘our’ people and culture against the diseased and dangerous alien, as well as the distinction drawn between helping the genuine refugee and exposing the bogus asylum-seeker. History has been instrumentalized to prove, through alleged generosity in the past, the moral righteousness of Britain's treatment of refugees. He attempts to expose the dangers of misplaced ethics and distorted history. To begin the process of change, he argues, historians and moral philosophers, because of the abuse of their areas of expertise, must confront the issue of refugees as being central rather than peripheral to their concerns. 相似文献
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DEBRA SABIA 《Politics & Policy》2010,38(1):53-80
This paper provides a review of various literatures on immigration, immigration policy formation, and immigrant reception with a particular focus on the state of Georgia. Existing scholarship has largely failed to explain why immigration policy outcomes have varied from state to state or how underlying factors might influence immigrant assimilation or exclusion. In the case of Georgia, the legislative response to newcomers has become increasingly inhospitable. What factors may account for this culture of exclusion? What variables have influenced Georgia officials to take up the anti-immigrant cause? What has been the impact on the Hispanic community, and, finally, how may policy consequences influence future immigrant legislation in Georgia? Este artículo provee una revisión de varias fuentes sobre inmigración, formación de políticas de inmigración, y la recepción de inmigrantes con un enfoque particular en el estado de Georgia. Las investigaciones académicas existentes en gran parte han omitido explicar por qué los resultados de las políticas de inmigración han variado de estado a estado o cómo los factores subyacentes podrían influir la asimilación o exclusión del inmigrante. En el caso de Georgia, la respuesta legislativa a los recién llegados ha sido cada vez menos hospitalaria. ¿Qué factores pueden considerarse para esta cultura de exclusión? ¿Qué variables han influido en los oficiales de Georgia para hacer suya la causa anti-inmigrante? ¿Qué variables han impactado a la comunidad Hispana? y finalmente ¿cómo pueden influir las consecuencias de las políticas en la futura legislación sobre inmigrantes en Georgia? 相似文献
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NIELAN BARNES 《Politics & Policy》2011,39(1):69-89
Post‐North American Free Trade Agreement and post‐9/11, increasing labor mobility combined with tightening security regimes and rising anti‐immigrant sentiment has negatively impacted the health of mobile transnational populations in North America. Public health and immigration researchers have documented the problems faced by migrants and immigrants, including lack of access to health services and increased risk of exposure to infectious disease, work‐related hazards, and violence. This article examines how civil society organizations that serve transnational populations act as drivers for health policy innovation and convergence. The methodology is a comparative case study that combines qualitative methods to analyze data across a range of knowledge domains. The article generates new knowledge about the role of nonstate actors on hemispheric integration and policy convergence. Después del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte y 11/9, la movilidad laboral en aumento junto con el refuerzo de las medidas de seguridad y el creciente sentimiento anti‐inmigrante ha impactado negativamente la salud de la población trasnacional móvil en América del Norte. La salud pública y los investigadores de inmigración han documentado los problemas que enfrentan los migrantes y emigrantes, incluyendo la falta de acceso a los servicios de salud, un mayor riesgo de exposición a las enfermedades infecciosas, riesgos en el trabajo y violencia. Este artíclo examina cómo las organizaciones de la sociedad civil que atienden a las poblaciones transnacionales actúan como motor de la innovación y convergencia. La metodología es un estudio de caso comparativo que combina métodos cualitativos para analizar información a través de una serie de ámbitos del conocimiento. El artículo genera nuevo conocimiento acerca del rol de los actores no‐gubernamentales en la integración hemisférica y la convergencia de políticas. 相似文献
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动态均衡视角下的政策变迁规律研究 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
公共政策在其动态运行过程中,政策变迁是一个自然的过程环节。所谓政策变迁是指不同政策间的替代与转换过程①。这一过程是否遵循某种一般性规律,理论界对此一直缺乏必要的研究探讨。从动态均衡的视角看来,可以将政策变迁过程分为政策失衡、政策创新、政策均衡3个阶段。其中,政策失衡指的是愿意改变既定政策的政策参与者的集合力量,超过愿意维持既定政策的政策参与者的力量集合时的一种状态;而政策均衡则表示与之相反的一种状态。政策创新是指由旧政策到新政策的实质性转换过程。通过这3个环节,拟揭示出政策变迁过程中政策从原有均衡状态演变为失衡状态,再通过创新变革向新的均衡状态转变这一规律。 相似文献
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Peter Higgins 《Human Rights Review》2008,9(4):525-535
I do not argue for or against substantive immigration policies in this paper. Rather, my thesis concerns what kinds of reasons
are morally salient in the construction of just immigration policies. I argue that philosophical proposals for regulating
immigration should be evaluated according to the following methodological principle: The unit of analysis in terms of which
principles for regulating immigration must be evaluated is the socially situated individual. I defend this principle indirectly
by applying it to cosmopolitan principles for regulating immigration in order to demonstrate the moral inadequacy of theories
of immigration that adopt an inappropriate unit of analysis. Failure to evaluate the moral adequacy of their own substantive
proposals in terms of their effects on socially situated individuals leads some cosmopolitans to endorse substantive recommendations
for regulating immigration (namely, open borders) that, I argue, disproportionately burden members of institutionally disadvantaged
groups.
相似文献
Peter HigginsEmail: |
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ALEX BALCH 《Politics & Policy》2010,38(5):1037-1065
Immigration is a highly politicized issue in Europe, and yet the regulation of economic migration is often seen as a straightforward function of sectoral demands or organized interests in the policy process. This paper asks how ideas matter and how they play a role in policy change over labor migration. It develops a framework to show how ideas operate in the politics of immigration to provide a more coherent account of policy change. Drawing on debates in political theory about the politics of hospitality and using the case study of Spain, the article shows how differing justifications for immigration controls inform governmental responses and influence the timing and direction of policy change. La inmigración es un tópico altamente politizado en Europa, y sin embargo la regulación de la migración económica es a menudo vista como una función sencilla de las demandas sectoriales o de los intereses organizados del proceso político. Este artículo pregunta qué tanto importan las ideas, y cuál es su papel en el cambio de las políticas sobre migración laboral. Para proporcionar una explicación más coherente del cambio en la política se desarrolla un marco para demostrar qué tanto operan en la política de inmigración las ideas. Basándonos en debates de teoría política acerca de las políticas de hospitalidad, y utilizando el caso de estudio de España, el artículo muestra que las respuestas gubernamentales están informadas por diferentes justificaciones del control de la inmigración y que dichas justificaciones influyen en el tiempo y dirección de las políticas. 相似文献
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Social Democratic parties struggle to maintain their strong electoral position, as political competition has shifted from the traditional left-right dimension to the cultural dimension. This has led to a debate on what would be the most viable electoral strategy for these parties in terms of adjusting their policies. Some propose a “New Left” policy platform that combines social investment and progressive cultural policies; others an “Old Left” policy platform that combines traditional redistribution policies and social-conservative cultural policies. We conducted a survey experiment to test the effects of these two platforms on support for the Norwegian Labour party. Our results show that the New Left platform is more popular among current Labour voters and voters from competing left-wing parties, and the two policy platforms are equally popular among the total electorate. 相似文献