Right‐wing extremism and racist violence in Germany

Rechtsradikale Gewalt im vereinigten Deutschland: Jugend im gesellschaft‐lichen Umbruch. Edited by HANS‐UWE OTTO and ROLAND MERTEN. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1993. Pp.470, biblio, index. DM 29.80 (paperback). ISBN 3–8100–1193–2.

Brandstifter: Deutschland zwischen Dcmokratie und völkischem Nationalismus. By HAJO FUNKE. Göttingen: Lamuv, 1993. Pp.208, 12 illus., 1 table, 4 figures, biblio. DM 24 (paperback). ISBN 3–88977–324–9.

Fremdenfeindliche Gewalt: Einstellungen, Tater, Konflikteskalation. By HELMUT WILLEMS with ROLAND ECKERT, STEFANIE WÜRTZ, LINDA STEINMETZ, with a contribution by PAUL B. HILL. Opladen: Leske + Budrich, 1993. Pp.293, 52 tables and figures, biblio. DM 24.80 (paperback). ISBN 3–8100–1196–7.

The Republikaner Party in Germany: Right‐Wing Menace or Protest Catchall? By HANS‐JOACHIM VEEN, NORBERT LEPSZY, PETER MNICH, foreword by KARL H. CERNY. (The Washington Papers; 162) Westport, CT: Praeger, 1993. Pp.xx + 83, 14 tables, 6 figures, £11.50 (paperback). ISBN 0–275–94580–4.

Die Bielefelder Rechtsextremismusstudie: Erste Langzeituntersuchung zur poli‐tischen Sozialisafion männlicher Jugendlicher. By WILHELM HEITMEYER, HEIKE BUHSE, JOACHIM LIEBEFREUND, KURT MÖLLER, JOACHIM MÜLLER, HELMUT RITZ, GERTRUD SILLER, JOHANNES VOSSEN. Weinheim and München: Juventa, 2nd ed. 1993. Pp.612, 2 tables, 38 figures, biblio. DM 68 (paperback). ISBN 3–7799–0422–5.

Politics Against Democracy: Right‐Wing Extremism in West Germany. By RICHARD STÖSS. Translated from the German by Linsay Batson, New York/Oxford: Berg, 1991. Pp.272, 2 maps, 30 tables, 17 figures, biblio, index. £32. ISBN 0–85496–190–9.     

The left‐wing opposition in Denmark,Norway and Sweden: Cases of Euro‐phobia?

This article maps the three major Left‐Socialist parties in Denmark, Norway and Sweden and their attitude towards European integration. It focuses on why the three parties, despite a common vision of Europe, differ when it comes to the question of membership in the European Union. The analysis stresses that both differences in party history and political context have to be accounted for when explaining the parties’ policy stands.     

The single‐issue party thesis: Extreme right parties and the immigration issue

This article examines the single‐issue party thesis for the specific case of contemporary extreme right parties (ERPs) and the immigration issue. I define the single‐issue party as (1) having an electorate with no particular social structure; (2) being supported predominantly on the basis of one single issue; (3) lacking an ideological programme; and (4) addressing only one all‐encompassing issue. On the basis of a comprehensive analysis of electoral studies and party literature the single‐issue party thesis is rejected on all counts. At best, immigration has been a catalyst for most ERPs in certain periods of time. Their ideology and broader programe will keep ERPs in the political arena for some time to come, even in the unlikely event that immigration would cease to be an important political issue.     

Right‐wing populist parties in Austria and Switzerland: A comparative analysis of electoral support and conditions of success

This article analyses the electoral support and parliamentary representation of right‐wing populist parties in Austria (FPO) and Switzerland (SD, AP/FPS, Lega dei Ticinesi). Contrary to the empirical evidence in many other fields of the political systems in these two Alpine republics, the analysis reveals strong differences rather than similiarities in the electoral support of right‐wing populist parties in both countries. This is explained by the differences in political culture and historic circumstances, performance of the established (governing) parties, party political penetration of social institutions, structure of the party system and the contrasting importance of direct‐democratic structures in the two countries. The exceptional skill of the right‐wing populist leader in Austria can also be seen as a significant factor. In contrast, neither social and economic variables, such as the economic situation, the unemployment rate and the overall number of asylum‐seekers, nor the strength and performance of green‐alternative parties seem to be important factors in explaining the differing success of right‐wing populist parties in Austria and Switzerland.     

Expert judgements of the left‐right location of political parties: A comparative longitudinal study

The purpose of this article is to study the changing left‐right location of parties by means of expert judgments from 1982 and 1993. The analysis concentrates on 13 Western European countries, based on data from 1982 and 1993. According to the ‘experts’, there was a strong centrist tendency in the party systems of Western Europe from 1982 to 1993. This tendency was strongest for the socialist parties, but applies also to the non‐socialist parties, although to a lesser degree. On the other hand, the ‘New Politics’ parties became more firmly located on the extreme left and right, contributing to a new polarisation in the party systems. The analysis supports the notion that left‐right semantics have a substantial absorptive capacity in the sense that New‐Politics conflicts seem to be incorporated in these semantics.     

Accommodation or ‘cleansing’: Germany's state employees from the old regime

Two theoretical traditions within comparative political analysis suggest very different answers to the question of what post‐transformation East Central European states should do with bureaucrats from the old regime. A state‐centred Weberian ‘competence’ institutionalism suggests a de‐politicised accommodation and retention of former officials. A society‐centred timing/intensity/mobilisation perspective suggests a politicised ‘cleansing’ of bureaucrats. Applied to the Federal Republic of Germany, the successor regime to the GDR, each perspective is found to be wanting. In their place, this essay offers a distinctly German statist ‘political’ institutionalism combined with a distinctly Western German societalist politicisation.     

Party politics of the right: Neo‐populist parties and the future of the West European party system

Radical Right‐Wing Populism in Western Europe. By HANS‐GEORG BETZ. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1994. Pp.x + 226, 22 tables, biblio. $18.95 (paper); $45.00 (cloth). ISBN 0–312–12195–4 and 0–312–08390.

Volkes Stimme? Rechtspopulismus in Europa. By Armin PFAHL‐TRAUGHBER with contributions by OLIVER SCHMIDTKE and CAS MUDDE. Bonn: Dietz, 1994. Pp.191, biblio. DM19.80 (paper). ISBN 3–8012–3059–7.

Wer wählt rechts? Die Wähler und Anhänger rechts‐extremistischer Parteien im vereinigten Deutschland. By JÜRGEN W. FALTER, in collaboration with MARKUS KLEIN. München: C.H. Beck, 1994. Pp.167, biblio. DM17.80 (paper). ISBN 3‐ 406–37442–5.

Rechtsextremismus in Deutschland. Voraussetzungen, Zusammenhänge, Wirkung. Edited by WOLFGANG BENZ. Frankfurt a.M.: S. Fischer, 1994 (new exp. and rev. edition). Pp.331, index. DM18.90 (paper). ISBN 3–596–12276–7.

The Dark Side of Europe. The Extreme Right Today. By GEOFFREY HARRIS, foreword by GLYN FORD. Edinburgh University Press, 1994 (2nd edition). Pp.xi + 265, index, £12.95 (paper). ISBN 0–7486–0466–9.

Rechtsextremismus: weiblich ‐ männlich? Eine Fallstudie zu geschlechtsspezifischen Lebensverläufen, Handlungsspielräumen und Orientierungsweisen. By URSULA BIRSL, foreword by PETER LOSCHE. Leverkusen: Leske + Budrich, 1994. Pp.369, biblio. DM48 (paper). ISBN 3–8100–1204–1.

Rechtsextremismus und Fremdenfeindlichkeit. Studien zur aktuellen Entwicklung. Edited by INSTITUT FÜR SOZIALFORSCHUNG. Frankfurt a.M./New York: Campus, 1994. Pp.219, biblio. DM18 (paper). ISBN 3–593–35026–2.

Racism, Ethnicity and Politics in Contemporary Europe. Edited by ALEC G. HARGREAVES and JEREMY LEAMAN. Gower House, Aldershot: Edward Elgar, 1995. Pp.296, index, £39.95 (cloth). ISBN 1–85278–8838–0.

Das Gewalt‐Dilemma. Gesellschaftliche Reaktionen auf fremdenfreindliche Gewalt und Rechtsextremismus. Edited by WILHELM HEITMEYER. Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 1994. Pp.463, DM29.80 (paper). ISBN 3–518–11905–2.     

The self‐in‐reading

At play are not the signifiers we are the ones who are playing. (Goelz 1997: 243)

Writing only remains in control at the expense of our ability to read. (Goelz 1997: 117.)     

Exit to the right? Comparing far right voters and abstainers in Western Europe

This article compares far right voters in Western Europe with citizens who abstain from electoral participation. Political dissatisfaction is thought to motivate both forms of political behavior. Low levels of formal education are also significantly predictive of both abstention and far right support. This study implements a multilevel multinomial logistic regression comparing nonvoters, far right voters, and voters for other parties from 2002 to 2012. The results suggest that common predictors distinguishing far right voters, such as education and political distrust, do not distinguish far right voters from abstainers. However, measures of social integration, including union membership, self-reported social activity, and trust in other people, are positively predictive of far right over abstention. Conversely, far right party voters and voters for other parties display similar levels of political interest and social integration. Other issues, such as Euroskepticism and anti-immigrant attitudes are more common among far right voters, and distinguish them from both other voters and those who just stay home.     

Neo‐Nazi's modified anti‐Semitism

One prominent neo‐Nazi seems to be discarding the notion of a Jewish world conspiracy’.     

Sino‐American relations post‐Tiananmen

This essay analyses some of the political, economic and social challenges of East Timor's transition to independence. It scrutinizes the ethical dimensions of building peace in a territory devastated by the combined effect of Indonesia's colonial occupation and the violent militia attacks of September 1999. The most difficult task ahead does not lie in the physical rebuilding of the territory - gargantuan as it may be - but in the more intricate and long-term rehabilitation of a traumatized society. The latter involves competing Timorese factions as well as a range of international actors, including the United Nations Transitional Authority, foreign governments, business institutions and various multilateral and bilateral donors, each having their own organizational leitmotifs and policy priorities. If not managed carefully, the reconstruction process could further exacerbate existing societal tensions and complicate the search for peace and reconciliation. The essay identifies a number of crucial components necessary to counter such risks, including the need to promote popular participation in the rebuilding process. Without the legitimacy created by strong community involvement and grassroots participation in decision making, the task of national reconstruction may well become overwhelmed by conflict.     

Bargaining Power of Smaller States in Germany's Länderfinanzausgleich 1979–90

In this paper we explore the impact of politicalfactors on redistribution across the states in theGerman Länderfinanzausgleich. From a public choiceperspective the smaller states are supposed to have ahigher influence on decisions in the secondlegislative chamber due to a lower shadow price oftheir votes, which implies a higher bargaining power.As the federal government's policy depends on amajority in the second chamber there is an incentiveto buy smaller states' votes. Controlling for GDP percapita, we find statistically significant support forour hypotheses.