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ABSTRACT

Stone argues that we need to disaggregate Nazi race ideologues since they do not form one undifferentiated mass. Ultimately, all the Nazis were race ideologues and chief among them were Hitler, Himmler and the other leading figures. All of the leading Nazis, whether they dealt specifically with ‘racial policy’ or not, put forward a racialized ideology, but those who made a name for themselves specifically as race theorists did not therefore all share the same views, nor did they all contribute in equal measure to the regime's crimes. Nor did race science, however deeply it threw its lot in with Nazism, drive the regime as much as did a kind of racial mysticism, or ‘thinking with the blood’. Here Stone suggests how we might evaluate the relative contributions made to the development of the Third Reich and its crimes by race scientists of different stripes, on the one hand, and theorists of racial-political conspiracies on the other.  相似文献   

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France has adopted an explicit policy of countering the decline of its old industrial areas, by encouraging a process of reindustrialization in those regions. The French experience illustrates the challenge that such an approach encounters, including dificulties arising out of policies of the European Community, the efforts of the government to achieve national growth targets, the locational preferences of potential “replacement” industries, and political and financial constraints on regional governments when they assume an entrepreneurial role. In the end, the effect of government intervention proves complex. Although the principal effort is directed at cushioning the pressures of market forces, the net result of public policy is often to transmit such forces more directly than in the past.  相似文献   

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This paper analyzes how British colonial rule altered the club-like and competitive features of chiefdoms and weakened the incentives of political leaders to be accountable to citizens. Political institutions in late pre-colonial West Africa aligned the incentives of the chiefs such that they were responsive to their people. Alignment arose because of a high degree of competition between governance providers and because political leaders were effectively the residual claimants on revenues generated from providing governance services. I identify the mechanisms by which colonialism severed the link that aligned the incentives of government with those of its citizens. British indirect rule did that by reducing political competition and softening the budget constraints of the chiefs. Toward the end of colonial rule, chiefs became less accountable to their people as evidenced by the widespread corruption and extortion by the chiefs and by their unprecedented constitutional violations and abuses of power.  相似文献   

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Chen  Yan  Ordeshook  Peter C. 《Public Choice》1998,97(4):617-643
There exists a large literature on two-person bargaining games and distribution games (or divide-the-dollar games) under simple majority rule, where in equilibrium a minimal winning coalition takes full advantage over everyone else. Here we extend the study to an n-person veto game where players take turns proposing policies in an n-dimensional policy space and everybody has a veto over changes in the status quo. Briefly, we find a Nash equilibrium where the initial proposer offers a policy in the intersection of the Pareto optimal set and the Pareto superior set that gives everyone their continuation values, and punishments are never implemented. Comparing the equilibrium outcomes under two different agendas – sequential recognition and random recognition – we find that there are advantages generated by the order of proposal under the sequential recognition rule. We also provide some conditions under which the players will prefer to rotate proposals rather than allow any specific policy to prevail indefinitely.  相似文献   

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Since the Second World War France has experienced an upsurge of regionalistic and ethnic nationalist movements. There has been mutual interaction between these movements and the French left, particularly the Socialist Party. As a result, the policies of the Socialist government since May 1981 have included a wide programme of decentralisation which went some way to meeting the demands of the movements. But the continuing Jacobinism of the Socialists has imposed limitations and has led to a strengthening of the movements' moderate forces as well as to a splitting off and further hardening of the ‘purs et durs’ elements.  相似文献   

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依法治国是执政党领导人民群众治理国家,管理社会的基本方略。在推进社会主义法治建设的过程中,推进城市法治建设具有十分重要的意义。本文在阐述法治城市基本要素的基础上,试对法治城市的建设提出几点思考和建议.  相似文献   

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Deveny K 《Newsweek》2008,151(22):54
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李红梅 《理论导刊》2006,(9):110-112
从1933年到1945年的十几年里,纳粹对犹太民族的迫害、驱赶和“最后解决”,约使600万犹太人死于纳粹的魔爪中,是全部犹太人的1/3,这不仅让犹太民族遭遇灭顶之灾,而且也是人类历史上罕见的大悲剧。但大屠杀并未能摧毁犹太民族的奋斗精神,反而使犹太民族得到世人广泛的同情和援助,使犹太文明得到进一步发展。  相似文献   

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This essay bridges the logic of electoral coordination with the observation that many voters cannot recognize ex post viable candidates. When strategic voting is limited, behavioral factors of sincere voting play a large part in coordinating uninformed voters and inform the expectations of potentially strategic voters about the patterns of voting. Using the 2011 Canadian Election Survey, I found strong effects of the density of campaign contacts and the asymmetries in the campaigns spending and party identification on the predictability of the patterns of intra-district competition. A comparison of the effects of behavioral factors on the uninformed and informed voters confirms that the effect of centrifugal spending and party identification is conditional on the ability of voters to recognize the leaders of district competition.  相似文献   

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