Western Women Missionaries and their Japanese Female Charges, 1870–1890

In the past ten years much research has been published on the issue of nineteenth‐century Western women (missionaries) and their imperialist attitudes toward the Asian populations they came in contact with when they travelled to, or were sent by the missions to proselytise in China, India or Korea. The author discusses the relationship between Western women missionaries and Japanese girls during the 1870s and 1880s, focusing in particular on the educational work undertaken by women missionaries and on the values they tried to impart to Japanese girls in the girls’ schools they founded. The author shows that women missionaries could not easily discard the patriarchal and imperial notions they had come to believe in. She also argues, however, that the environment they created in Japan helped some girls to voice their hopes for a society in which their understanding of Japanese women’s worth was recognised.     

西方工会参与促进就业、维护工人劳动就业权益的基本经验及其启示

失业是当今世界各国普遍面临的社会经济问题。面对严峻的失业问题,西方国家政府、工会、雇主以及社会各界纷纷进行讨论,寻求良策,提出了各种主张、措施和方案。西方国家的工会为了维护工人的劳动就业权利,从本国的实际情况出发,采取了一系列切实可行的措施,并取得了一定的实效。当前和今后一段时期,中国面临着严峻的就业挑战,工会应当借鉴西方工会的成功经验,高度重视参与促进就业、维护职工的劳动就业权益,以此来增强工会的凝聚力和社会影响力。     

The power of the ordinary subversive in Jackie Kay's <Emphasis Type="Italic">Trumpet</Emphasis>

In Jackie Kay's award-winning novel, Trumpet (1998), the main character Joss Moody, a celebrated jazz trumpet player, is discovered upon his death to be anatomically female. The essay traces both postmodern and humanist affirmations of constructions of self-hood. Situating Virginia Woolf's version of a metaphysical and escapist androgyny as one kind of aesthetic against the material politics of the transgendered subject, the essay argues that Kay's novel can be seen as part of a 20th century tradition of literature and film which satirizes, parodies and painfully exposes the discontinuities of dominant sex–gender systems. The essay ends by arguing that Kay also develops these systems by imbricating sex and gender within a series of dislocated familial, sexual and racial identities, beginning with the arrival of Joss's African father in Scotland at the beginning of the 20th century.     

"Fanm se poto mitan": Haitian woman, the pillar of society.

This reexamination of the status of women in Haiti opens by noting that the analysis was prompted by an acknowledgement that the past decade has given Haitian women the opportunity to make great developmental and educational progress. The analysis begins by presenting a brief social history of Haitian women, which focuses on such issues as the second-class status afforded Haitian peasants in the 19th century; the fact that household and agricultural duties curtail the education of children; the prestige assigned to marriage versus the more usual common-law unions; the social hierarchy recognized by the peasants; the survival of polygamous unions; the involvement of women in farming, marketing, and trading food; and recent attempts by rural women to gain education and organize themselves to improve the conditions of their lives. The analysis then turns to the status of rural women after they migrate to urban areas, where economic categories create the social hierarchy and Statute Law applies. This section focuses on the income-generation opportunities that were available to these women during the Duvalier regimes, on the conditions of life for the middle class, and on the use of violence by employers and the state to control women of all classes. The second part of the analysis looks at how Haitian women have been represented in literature by female and male Haitian writers and highlights the way female writers used subversive narrative techniques to create a stereotype-breaking female identity. The essay concludes that women writers are continuing to further social activism and feminist struggles.     

American Dance Pioneer Martha Graham and the Ghosts of Feminism

Abstract: The essay explores the mutual haunting between American modern dance pioneer Martha Graham and feminism. This troubling arises from the confusion between what can be considered the predominantly feminist character of Graham's life and work coupled with Graham's outright rejection of a feminist consciousness. The author suggests that this ambivalent situation allows for an ever increasing complex but fruitful discussion of Graham's possible feminist identifications and their effects. The essay first argues for the performanative force of ‘doing’ a feminist identity as a foil for Graham's public written reputation of feminism. It then charts both the changing cultural and social beliefs of and about women in the twentieth century alongside Graham's specific geographical, social, cultural and historical placement in that history and its possible impact on her processes of identification. The essay then makes a close contextual reading of one of Graham's works of the early 1930s, Primitive Mysteries (1931), to illustrate its radical conception of the female body both at the time of its premiere and over subsequent reconstructions. The author finishes by arguing that the question of Graham's feminism is an important one because it remains unanswered.     

Why was there no ‘Old Poor Law’ in Scotland and Ireland?

This article will attempt to explain why England's system of poor relief was not replicated in Scotland and Ireland until well into the nineteenth century. The difference rests on the development of a nation of wage-labourers in England, the result of agrarian capitalism, a process that was complete by the 1790s, at a time when the population of other European countries was overwhelmingly dominated by peasants. The unique class structure in England led from the 1530s onward to the creation of a poor relief system, state-provided welfare funded from taxation, a type of social assistance that was absent elsewhere.     

Great Plains harvest: evolution of the US public employment service,transnational labor,and nonimmigrant visas

Government H-2A visa data and employer surveys show that Great Plains custom harvesting operations now rely on the US public employment service (PES) and private labor agencies to hire transnational labor. Wheat harvest labor problems and private labor bureau abuses during the Progressive Era were a driving force in the formation and development of the local, state, and federal PES agencies that are now used to secure foreign workers. The PES addressed harvest labor problems from the late nineteenth century until the 1930s when mechanization and drought sufficiently reduced labor demand. The PES became active in the wheat harvest again during WW II and into the 1950s until mobile custom combining crews eliminated the need for the federal government’s involvement. Beginning in the 1990s, domestic labor scarcity caused custom harvesting employers to hire foreign labor through the H-2A and J-1 visa programs. The PES is part and parcel of the H-2A visa program, but unlike most agricultural employers that use H-2A labor, foreign workers in custom harvesting are from South Africa, New Zealand, Australia, and numerous European and other countries rather than Latin America. Transnational custom harvesting employees that use H-2A visas occupy a niche within the program and thereby maintain Great Plains harvesting’s unique place in the labor market. This article traces the concurrent evolution of Great Plains harvesting and the PES from the end of the nineteenth century to the 1950s and examines the role of the PES and private labor agencies in today’s global labor market.     

Reviews

This article analyzes the basic characteristics of the labor and social policies of the Franco dictatorship established in Spain after the Civil War (1936–1939), and the links which existed between them. The offer of support to working families was presented through a paternalistic discourse of ‘social justice’ which was combined with tough repressive measures in the labor market. Within this context, compulsory social insurances pursued a political end, as they served to mitigate social tensions in a context of worker repression and harsh living conditions. Sickness insurance was a key element in this strategy, and it turned out to be very economical for the dictatorship, as the burden of financing the system was placed on employers and, above all, the workers themselves. This led to financial and management problems within a system providing imperfect coverage, with low benefits and serious inequalities in protection. Consequently, Spain moved away from other advanced countries which, at this time, were establishing their welfare states on the basis of two pillars: the universalization of benefits, and the redistributive character of the system from a social point of view.     

But,i wouldn't wany my wife to work there! A history of discrimination against women in the hotel industry

Historians have tended to view legislation that discriminated against women hotel workers as a result of the efforts of the temperance movement which became popular in the latter part of the nineteenth century. This paper argues that the proponents of the moral suasion explanation oversimplify the complex issue of women's status in the hotel industry. Two distinct types of legislation are identified and the paper argues that they both had very different agendas.

Legislation controlling barmaids was imposed from above on a reluctant hotel industry. It was primarily concerned with the measurement and control of the numbers of barmaids. In contrast, the question of women's right to hold a license dealt with qualitative considerations. Consequently it was more concerned with marital status, age and professional experience of female license applicants. Unlike the barmaid debate, the impetus to restrict women licensees came from within the industry itself. This paper argues that barmaid control was primarily a social issue while the control of women licensees was primarily a labour issue.

The prohibition on women becoming employers in the hotel industry has important implications for the relationship between gender and social class. In spite of the oppressive structural and legal barriers, women have shown remarkable resilience and have been able to preserve their place in an industry which is well suited to their skills.     

Prostitution in Denmark: Research and Neo-liberal Public Debates

Prostitution is a worldwide phenomenon, and so are the controversies surrounding it. In Denmark, as in many countries, there is an ongoing public debate about whether it should be seen as a social/political problem, or as a job like any other. The debate takes place within the tension between welfare state discourses and neo-liberal discourses.     

Liberal family law in the making: Nordic and European harmonisation

This paper discusses the past and contemporary legal harmonisation exercises of family law in the Nordic countries and Europe. The critique is that the harmonised ‹European family law’ only entrenches the status quo and reiterates traditional family patterns, the male norm, heteronormativity, and a public/private divide represented in the neutral guise of a liberal rights discourse. Furthermore, the critics point out that the political economy of legal harmonisation is, to a large extent, ignored. In the Nordic countries, egalitarianism and broad political deliberation characterised much of the previous legal harmonisation, whereas rights discourse in its liberal sense is a novelty, more or less triggered by the European integration. This paper discusses the gendered implications of the emerging rights discourse in the Nordic countries and the linkages between family law, the labour market and social welfare. The paper argues that the harmonisation exercise cannot be regarded as one consisting only of legal norms and reasoning, but rather it should be discussed from the perspective of a political and epistemological challenge to the prevailing ‹truths’ about marriage, family and sexuality.     

Rethinking the political: Ottoman women as feminist subjects

This article examines late nineteenth century and early twentieth century Muslim Ottoman women’s journals. Drawing attention to the historical and social phenomenon of Ottoman Muslim women’s print culture, the author argues that women’s writings and activism around these journals functioned as a significant feminist public sphere that built a community of women’s discourse. Women’s journals established a real community of intellectual women writers and readers who overtly promoted a feminist agenda in the public sphere. Thus, they envisioned and created alternative roles for upper middle class and middle class Ottoman women. Contrary to the conventional narrative of Turkish feminism that identifies its origin with the Republican period, it was Ottoman women’s periodicals and associations that laid the groundwork for future feminists in the Republican period. In providing an analysis of these magazines, the author explores a class of now nearly forgotten publications that, she argues, created a feminist discourse in their time.     

The Capitalocene,Part I: on the nature and origins of our ecological crisis

This essay, in two parts, argues for the centrality of historical thinking in coming to grips with capitalism’s planetary crises of the twenty-first century. Against the Anthropocene’s shallow historicization, I argue for the Capitalocene, understood as a system of power, profit and re/production in the web of life. In Part I, I pursue two arguments. First, I situate the Anthropocene discourse within Green Thought’s uneasy relationship to the Human/Nature binary, and its reluctance to consider human organizations – like capitalism – as part of nature. Next, I highlight the Anthropocene’s dominant periodization, which meets up with a longstanding environmentalist argument about the Industrial Revolution as the origin of ecological crisis. This ignores early capitalism’s environment-making revolution, greater than any watershed since the rise of agriculture and the first cities. While there is no question that environmental change accelerated sharply after 1850, and especially after 1945, it seems equally fruitless to explain these transformations without identifying how they fit into patterns of power, capital and nature established four centuries earlier.     

关于社区服务的涵义、功能和现有问题及对策

社区服务为社区成员提供物质生活和精神生活的各种服务,是为满足社区成员多种需求的一项社会福利性和公益性事业.但在当前政府所提供的福利资源不足的情况下,社区服务可以允许有少量经营性的便民利民服务项目.因此,需要重新界定社区服务的涵义,以及社区服务的特征.     

Oprah Winfrey and the co-production of market and morality

This essay introduces the dossier, situating Lizzie Borden's 1983 film Born in Flames in the contemporary political context. After offering a brief synopsis of the film, the essay argues that Born in Flames serves as both a document of feminist, anti-racist social movements and as inspiration for modeling future political work. The essay then briefly introduces the pieces that comprise the dossier.     

Social Investment in Gender Equality? Changing Perspectives on Work and Welfare in Norway

In many EU countries, the so-called social investment perspective has provided new arguments for active welfare state policies. The social investment perspective is characterized by emphasizing the role of the state to increase participation in employment by investing in the working capacity of the population—particularly women—through activation programmes and social policies. In this article we depart from recent debates surrounding this perspective to explore changes in Norwegian work and welfare policies, and the role of gender equality in these changes. In Norway, both female employment and fertility levels are high, but women still have a looser connection to the labour market compared to men, for example due to the large proportion in part-time positions, which makes changes in work and welfare policies an interesting case for exploring the relevance of the social investment perspective in this context. The empirical analysis suggests that ideas of social investment indeed have permeated recent changes in Norwegian work and welfare policies. However, questions of gender equality are not addressed in the documents introducing these changes, except when the problem at hand is the employment rate of migrant women—who are the main recipients of activation policies. In conclusion, we claim that social investment is a relevant lens for analysing changes in Norwegian work and welfare policies, but that a dual-tracked vision of gender equality is emerging, making migrant women the significant target of social investment.     

西方社会保障政策改革的理念启示

从20世纪80年代起,西方国家开始了全面的社会保障政策改革,旨在用一种更为积极的社会保障政策来代替消极的福利给付。这种从"福利"到"工作"的积极政策的改革实质是以一种劳动政策代替社会保障和福利,旨在将失业者送入劳动力市场,以解决日益膨胀的失业问题,减少失业者对福利的依赖。与此同时,在全球化背景下,中国也面临着广泛的失业问题和社会保障体系的建构问题。他山之石,可以攻玉,我们可以从西方国家的社会保障政策改革中得到诸多启示和借鉴,以一种新的理念来构建我们的社会保障体系。     

The neglected female unemployment in Sweden during the Great Depression

ABSTRACT

The unemployment statistics of the 1930s’ Great Depression have often been used as a way of estimating the endurance and severity of the economic crisis in different countries. The Swedish unemployment data have, among other things, been used in comparison with the American data to describe the different economic development that these two countries experienced during the twentieth century. Sweden’s ‘work approach’ to unemployment during the Great Depression has also been highlighted in earlier research as an answer to the question of why Sweden managed the Great Depression quite well and was able to kick-start the development of the welfare state. Unfortunately, the official unemployment data mainly covered men; female unemployment has been neglected both in the official records and in earlier research, and the praised ‘work approach’ only targeted male unemployment. In this paper, a new and previously neglected source of unemployment data is brought into the light in the form of poor relief statistics. From this information, a new estimation of the female unemployment during the Great Depression is made, which questions the grand conclusions that have been reached regarding the connections of the crisis and the later welfare state construction.     

The legacy of social conflicts over property rights in rural Brazil and Mexico: Current land struggles in historical perspective

This article proposes an approach to the agrarian question that focuses on the establishment of absolute private property rights over land in Brazil and Mexico. The author argues that current land struggles are conditioned by the property regimes inherited from past struggles. The author examines the liberal reforms of the nineteenth century and argues that the balance of class forces led to the slow establishment of absolute private property in Brazil, while in Mexico they triggered the Revolution of 1910–1917, which limited agrarian capitalism. The author then turns to the consequences of these different property regimes in the twentieth century and argues that capitalist social relations have been more dominant in the Brazilian than in the Mexican countryside. The conservative modernization of the 1960s and 1970s is identified as a turning point in the fully capitalist development of agriculture in Brazil. The shift toward food imports, the elimination of subsidies, and the reform of Article 27 of the Constitution signal the re-establishment of the conditions for capitalist development of agriculture in Mexico. The article ends with an assessment of the MST and EZLN's strategies to protect peasants’ access to land and to influence the institutional setting determining access to land.     

新世纪初日本工会面临的挑战及其对策

21世纪 ,日本在经济、政治和社会各方面发生的变化和存在的突出问题 ,给工会运动造成了极其严重的环境和条件 ,工会面临诸多新的课题和挑战。下功夫研究面临的问题 ,及时调整工作思路和工作重点 ,采取对策以适应各种变化的需要 ,已成为日本各级工会的共识。