劳动基准法的基本范畴和体系定位

劳动基准法在劳动法体系中具有独特的地位,对其概念的理解应强化其内涵特征,从而缩小并确定其外延范围。"基准"相较于"标准",其名称更能传达出法律概念的本意。采用劳动基准法的狭义概念,是由劳动基准法的公法性质所决定的。劳动基准法虽然属于公法,但也会产生私法效果,不能因此将其理解为公、私融合法而扩大其外延。即便劳动基准同时构成劳动合同的附随义务,劳动合同法中包含有劳动关系强行运行规则,均不影响劳动基准法与劳动合同法在劳动法内部体系中各自独立的定位。     

Bringing the State's Workers in: Time to Rectify an Imbalanced US Labor Historiography

This article considers the reasons why labor historians have continued to neglect the history of workers and unions in the US public sector. It argues that the most compelling explanation for historians’ failure to examine the history of public sector unions is that conducting such an examination would challenge a number of deeply rooted preconceptions regarding the history of American labor since World War II. The article goes on to suggest what we might learn if US labor historians began to probe the experience of public sector workers more fully.     

"No Make-Believe Class Struggle": The Socialist Municipal Campaign in Los Angeles, 1911

Seeking to establish a base for organizing California farmworkers, the National Farm Labor Union (NFLU) between 1948 and 1950 led a strike against DiGiorgio Fruit Corporation, the state's preeminent farming operation. Featuring several new developments—among them huge car and truck caravans of strikers that were described as ‘the world's longest picket line’ and a secondary boycott of DiGiorgio products that inaugurated a tactic that would later become a cornerstone of the farmworker movement—the strike was the first substantial challenge to California growers since the collapse of the farmworker movement a decade earlier. While these aspects are often mentioned by historians, there is another less understood but more profound dimension to the strike that revolves around a documentary film Poverty in the Valley of Plenty. Angered by its portrayal in the film, DiGiorgio won a libel case against the NFLU, suppressed the film, forced the union to withdraw and destroy all surviving prints, and for the next generation sued anyone caught showing Poverty in the Valley of Plenty. A watershed in labor and legal history, this tactic extended the law of libel from printed words to images. Presenting a fuller and more complete exploration of this critical chapter in the evolving relationship between photography, farmworkers, and labor organizing, this essay explores the way DiGiorgio eliminated unfavorable visual information, curbed First Amendment rights of free speech, augmented vigilante raids and accusations of communism as tactics of farmworker union smashing, undercut the NFLU's boycott, and substituted an entirely fictitious and benign picture of life and labor at its Bear Mountain ranch. Not until the Delano grape strike 25 years later did farmworkers succeed in finally getting their picture across to the public and using it to develop a boycott that turned the tables on California agriculture.     

劳动法的现实挑战与瞻望

无论是在成文法国家还是在判例法国家,批评劳动法"僵化"的声音一直存在.本研究对劳动法面临的现实挑战进行梳理,对其未来走向进行瞻望.研究认为,在劳资关系整体缓和的大背景之下,世界范围内,团体劳动法的功能降减,去管制与雇佣弹性因子在不断增长.信息技术的广泛运用、互联网经济的崛起,给劳动法带来了前所未有之挑战,客观上,劳动法...     

All the labor problems fit to print: the New York Times and the cultural production of the U.S ‘labor problem’, 1870–1932

The period that spanned the Gilded Age to the onset of the Great Depression saw the rise and relative decline of the US labor movement. The salient events of labor movements over these years undoubtedly shaped public perception about labor issues, and some scholars have been attempting to unpack the mechanisms through which depictions and characterizations of the ‘labor problem’ were produced in authoritative venues that could have shaped the future of the movement. This study goes beyond the standard practice of explaining news report volume to feature the political valance of the reports on the labor problem over a 63-year time period. The aforementioned period also saw significant changes in news reporting practices, with the rise of objective informational writing and the embrace of journalism as a profession. The change within journalism itself could potentially shape the depiction of the labor problem, yet such change has been overlooked by existing literature pertaining to the topic. This research makes a theoretical case for integrating social processes central to the labor movement and journalism from 1870 to 1932 and explains patterns in the cultural production of the labor problem in the New York Times by analyzing these two tracks of history in conjunction using both qualitative and quantitative data.     

新时代劳动教育政策的“渐进一多源流”分析：调适、耦合与发展

劳动教育是中国特色社会主义教育制度的重要内容,新时代加强劳动教育具有重大的时代价值和战略意义。本研究运用修正的“渐进—多源流理论”分析了新时代劳动教育政策的制定过程。研究发现:劳动教育的不良指标、负面的政策反馈、焦点问题和事件构成问题源流;执政理念和价值选择、民意表达构成了政治源流;领导核心的推动作用、专家学者的政策建议、地方探索和经验、网络媒体的助推形成政策源流;习近平总书记在2018年全国教育大会上关于加强劳动教育的讲话打开了政策之窗。研究认为,在有限理性视野中,新时代劳动教育政策的制定是一个渐进调适的过程,中国语境下本土化因素对各源流产生重要影响,各源流渐进性明显,要关注网络对各源流带来的变化和影响,强化政策执行、协同推进。     

Organizing a wildcat: the United States postal strike of 1970

This article, part of a larger work in progress, uses archives, key secondary sources, and oral histories from participants in the 1970 United States postal wildcat strike for better pay and working conditions to argue that this was a monumental event both unique and representative of the times. It was a rank-and-file effort that began in New York City – with a history of labor militancy – and rapidly spread across the country. The strike defied federal statute outlawing federal employee strikes, and also union leaders who opposed striking. A spike in 1960s hiring of blacks, veterans, women, and young people, combined with established labor unity tradition, a nationwide workplace and long-simmering frustrations produced the strike. But its dual character (both spontaneous and organized by local union officials and activists) allowed it to grow and maintain for eight days with no central coordination. Besides winning a living wage, the strike triggered the transformation of the US Post Office Department into the US Postal Service (USPS) with full collective bargaining rights for postal unions representing its employees. Moreover, it brought rank-and-file politics into postal unions while contributing to the increased strength of postal unions, public union organizing, and the labor movement in general.     

过度劳动：历史演进及公共政策

研究过度劳动的基本目的是为制定遏制过度劳动的公共政策提供依据,为此,不仅要基于医学的视角,还需要基于公共政策的视角审视过度劳动。研究分析了从原始社会、农业社会、工业社会到后工业社会历史演进中导致过度劳动的劳动生产率因素和制度因素,解释过度劳动的历史演变并探讨遏制过度劳动公共政策的着力点。研究认为,过度劳动的形成受劳动生产率和制度等因素的影响。一般来说,劳动者因追求效用最大化会在劳动生产率低下的条件下选择过度劳动,公共政策的干预既无必要,也难有作为,而因制度导致的过度劳动,公共政策才有一定的着力空间。     

公共服务的发展与劳动关系公共服务

我国劳动关系公共服务是与劳动关系市场化进程相伴而行的。劳动关系公共服务的目标空间是促进劳动关系规范的建立、有序运行、合理调整和矛盾化解。为了更好地提供劳动关系公共服务,在内容设计方面,应做好公共服务的内涵界定、服务主体转换、服务边界设定、服务项目设计、服务项目确定等工作;在供给机制方面,应采用政府主导下的间接供给方式,即由政府委托或与市场及社会组织合作,提供公共服务;在评估机制方面,应将数量、实施效果、公平性等因素进行综合考量,加强过程监管与评估验收,以确保公共服务供给绩效。     

Joseph Weydemeyer's “dictatorship of the proletariat”

This article responds to Jean-Christian Vinel's assessment of the ‘critical synthesis’ whose proponents created labor law history as a new and flourishing field of scholarship in the decade after 1978. Vinel accords my book, The State and the Unions (1985) a key role in the development of this new field. Here, I situate my book in relation to the critical synthesis, and assess the capacity of critical legal scholarship to address the current parlous state of the U.S. labor movement. I look to current labor historians to engage with and build on the work that the labor law historians undertook.     

劳动合同的定性及其对立法的影响

劳动合同是一种在“契约自由”原则基础上渗透了国家公权力必要干预的、以社会公共利益为本位的合同。“社会性”是劳动合同的本质属性。为了充分体现劳动合同的法律性质,在劳动合同立法中应当把握和处理好当事人“意思自治”与国家干预的关系,劳动合同约定与法定、规定、“有利原则”的关系,借鉴、吸收民事合同理论与体现劳动合同制度自身特质的关系。     

马克思主义劳动观视域下建党百年来党对劳动问题的探索历程与实践经验

中国共产党对劳动问题的探索历程与实践经验是建党百年革命史的重要篇章,也是植根于中国国情推动马克思主义劳动观时代发展的实践丰碑.自建党以来,植根于中国国情和经济社会发展的阶段性特征,党始终坚持辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的世界观和方法论,始终坚持劳动者的主人翁地位,始终坚持党在劳动问题上的领导地位,不断完善和健全劳动问题的...     

论程序正义理论对我国劳动争议诉讼的借鉴价值

建立社会主义市场经济体制和加入WTO引起了我国劳动关系的深刻变化.在协调劳动关系,处理劳动争议过程中,必须引进和推广程序正义理论,以利尽快完善我国的劳动法制,在劳动争议诉讼程序设计及劳动争议诉讼中更好地维护劳动者的合法权益.     

Shutting down ‘Big Brown’: reassessing the 1997 UPS strike and the fate of American labor

In the summer of 1997, organized labor won a major strike against United Parcel Service. Staying out for just over two weeks, more than 185,000 members of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) crippled UPS's operations, securing pay increases and more full-time positions as a result. At the time, observers widely predicted that the strike would lead to a revival of organized labor's fortunes, especially as it showed that American unions could still win public support. Revisiting the strike more than a decade later, this article re-assesses its impact and explores why the predicted labor revival did not happen, as union density has continued to fall since 1997. It argues that observers exaggerated the strike's transformative impact, overlooking the structural barriers that have continued to cause organized labor to decline. The strike was a defensive victory that helped uphold the pay and conditions of the UPS workers themselves but unions in general have continued to be undermined by broad trends such as the growth of the service sector, the decline of manufacturing, and ongoing corporate hostility to organized labor. In addition, there were many unique features of the UPS strike, including the favourable economic climate at the time and public sympathy for UPS drivers, which have ensured that the strike has not provided a blueprint for most American workers. Finally, ongoing political divisions within the IBT also thwarted efforts to capitalize on the strike.     

“过劳”的概念界定及分类特征研究

在文献综述的基础上,从劳动行为、健康表症、不良后果三个层面循序渐进地论述、界定"过劳"。将三种说法合三为一,贯通始终诠释这一词汇。不但凸显了三者的因果关系,而且由表及里地层层深入,逐步剖析这一概念。同时,也提出了"过劳"广义及狭义概念的含义。并对与此概念容易相混淆的其他词汇做了详尽的比对和辨别。按照不同特征,对"过劳"进行分类阐释,旨在匡清此概念的内涵、外延。     

The New York factory investigating commission and the minimum wage movement

The study of working-class culture crosses disciplinary borders, reveals important insights, and builds productive intellectual networks in ways that contribute not only to scholarly conversations but also to public understanding of working-class people and communities. Yet despite several decades of academic discourse about the value of interdisciplinarity, working across disciplinary borders remains challenging. This article describes a text-centered approach that facilitates comparative and connective analysis of varied sources, a method the authors have used both in their own research and with students, who often find interdisciplinary work especially difficult. The article illustrates how a ‘text analysis rubric’ can provide a framework for analyzing a short video and a map, highlighting connections between very different types of sources and thus facilitate critical analysis that integrates labor history, labor geography, and representations of work, economic conditions, and place.     

台湾劳资关系调节“失灵”与发展的制度出路

台湾劳资关系是观测台湾基层社会关系状况的重要指标，集中反映了台湾基层社会矛盾和集体 行动的发展动向和态势。近年台湾劳工阶层普遍处于“长工时、低薪酬、少休假”的低水平劳权状态，在民进 党上台后推行的“一例一休”修法改革激化下，劳资关系调节的劳动法律调节机制、劳资谈判机制和政党调节 机制三个层面都出现了“失灵”现象，反映了劳工阶层不满台湾当下经济发展困境的阶层意识，又映射了台湾 资本主义在复杂变迁的国际政治格局中的发展局限，同时也为台湾劳工阶层从政治赋权、集体博弈和青年劳工 群体整合等层面来改善自身权利与命运带来了机遇和制度出路。     

国际劳工组织的历史贡献及其对中国劳动社会保障法制建设的影响 —— 纪念国际劳工组织成立 100 周年

系统梳理概括了国际劳工组织百年发展中的五大贡献,研究表明,几乎每个改变社会和劳动的事件都与国际劳工组织密切相关,在关键的历史时刻它发挥了重要的作用。中国与国际劳工组织的联系源远流长。中国政府和工会、雇主组织在劳动立法、就业促进和社会保障的价值理念、体制机制等方面,吸收了国际劳工组织和国际劳工标准的有益经验和积极影响,履行了国际劳工组织成员国的义务。因此,无论是要构建和谐劳动关系,还是致力于积极参与国际劳动治理,都需要加强对国际劳工组织和国际劳工标准的基础性和应用性研究,以便不断加强我国劳动社会保障法制建设,为促进体面劳动,实现社会正义做出贡献。     

新时代高校劳动育人效果评价、影响因素及提升理路——基于天津市19所高校的调查分析

探究高校劳动育人效果、影响因素,有助于精准把握高校劳动教育方向、提高劳动教育质量。基于天津市19所高校的调查数据,研究发现：高校劳动教育依然处在初级阶段;劳动认知是劳动教育的初始动力源,理论教学和专业实践是劳动育人的关键要素,教师学科专业素养和劳动素养影响劳动育人成效,劳动实践基地和劳动教育制度对于劳动育人缺一不可,考核评价是劳动教育实效的保障手段,校园劳动文化对劳动育人效果也有重要影响。研究建议：新阶段劳动育人需要强化个体内驱力、高校自组织力、支持保障力,将“学中干”“干中学”相结合,深化劳动教育认知,加快专业师资培养,推动多元融合性劳动教育,完善考核评价体系,创建特色劳动主题校园文化。     

工会组织在创建和谐劳动关系中要做到"五个最大限度"

随着市场经济的发展,用工制度的多元化,劳动关系已成为影响企业发展和社会稳定的重要因素。工会应发挥其组织优势,在创建和谐劳动关系中做到“五个最大限度”,促进企业和职工在愿景、目标、利益上的交融、共进和共赢,推动和谐企业和和谐社会的发展。