公法视域下的劳动者个人信息保护——以保障劳动者知情同意权为研究视角

近年来,随着算法等人工智能技术越来越多地运用于劳动者管理中,劳动者的个人信息保护短 板日渐凸显。劳动者的个人信息保护问题在实践中较为常见,相关司法案例数量也日趋增多。经过对司法案例 的分析,发现私法在保护劳动者个人信息方面表现欠佳：一是在算法黑箱下劳动者知情同意原则难以得到落实, 二是劳动者很难通过合同审查模式主张其个人信息权利。由于劳动关系的不平等属性和个人信息权利的工具属 性,有必要引入公法对劳动者的知情同意权进行保护。劳动者个人信息权益的保护有赖于以各地劳动监察部门 为中心的行政监管,此种路径优于事后司法进行的合同审查。具体而言,劳动监察部门应在监督用人单位落实 知情同意原则的同时,根据技术准则动态调整知情同意原则实施的具体标准,在个案判定劳动者个人信息是否 受到合理保护时使用分类收集标准。     

Shutting down ‘Big Brown’: reassessing the 1997 UPS strike and the fate of American labor

In the summer of 1997, organized labor won a major strike against United Parcel Service. Staying out for just over two weeks, more than 185,000 members of the International Brotherhood of Teamsters (IBT) crippled UPS's operations, securing pay increases and more full-time positions as a result. At the time, observers widely predicted that the strike would lead to a revival of organized labor's fortunes, especially as it showed that American unions could still win public support. Revisiting the strike more than a decade later, this article re-assesses its impact and explores why the predicted labor revival did not happen, as union density has continued to fall since 1997. It argues that observers exaggerated the strike's transformative impact, overlooking the structural barriers that have continued to cause organized labor to decline. The strike was a defensive victory that helped uphold the pay and conditions of the UPS workers themselves but unions in general have continued to be undermined by broad trends such as the growth of the service sector, the decline of manufacturing, and ongoing corporate hostility to organized labor. In addition, there were many unique features of the UPS strike, including the favourable economic climate at the time and public sympathy for UPS drivers, which have ensured that the strike has not provided a blueprint for most American workers. Finally, ongoing political divisions within the IBT also thwarted efforts to capitalize on the strike.     

Labor and the Landscape of American Gothic*

The 1987–88 strike at International Paper's Androscoggin Mill in Jay, Maine severed a longstanding ‘social contract’ where workers and community residents tolerated the mill's air and water pollution in return for good-paying jobs and a robust local economy. This article traces the development of environmental consciousness among union workers and community residents during the strike and their efforts to protect the environment from the pollution of the mill. The union publicized environmental problems at the mill and the state's failures to regulate pollution when the strike began. After a series of environmental accidents during the strike, including a massive chlorine dioxide gas leak that threatened the safety of the town, Jay residents formed a community environmental organization and pressured the company and the state to close the mill. The environment remained an important issue after the strike, as labor and environmental activists joined forces to uphold a municipal ordinance that allowed the town to enforce state and federal environmental laws. This article studies how labor and environmental politics converged on a local level and also explores the broader themes of the conflict between job prosperity and environmental protection in industrial communities, labor and environmental movement alliances, and the current issues surrounding the ‘green economy’.     

通过裁决的社会控制：《工会法》第 50—56 条不当 劳动行为行政救济机制的法律续造

《工会法》在“法律责任”部分确立了不当劳动行为的行政救济路径，但至今未明确此路径的 性质及程序展开规则，严重制约着该法的实施。此类争议在域外立法中存在着民事诉讼主导、行政裁决主导、 二元机制并存三种处置模式，但基于不当劳动行为争议的不可诉性、司法救济难以满足团结权保障的时效性和 预防性要求、行政救济可覆射之权责主体更为宽泛诸原因，行政裁决始终占据域外代表立法国家核心机制之地 位。我国应当汲取这一立法经验，在统筹好裁决机制设计多元价值诉求基础上，从不当劳动行为行政裁决机制 之基本构造、不当劳动行为型违法解雇条款与一般违法解雇条款之协调、工会工作人员不当劳动行为行政裁决 救济路径之拓补三方面推进法律续造，并带动相关立法的精进表达。未来，建议制定统摄性的“劳动争议处理法” 来对包括不当劳动行为争议在内的集体劳动争议之处置进行系统重整，最终形成具有中国特色的劳动争议处置 体系。     

Skilled hands,strong spirits: a century of building trade history,by Grace Palladino

When a hired thug hurled acid in the face of the prominent newspaper columnist, Victor Riesel, in 1956, the attack left him permanently blind. The incident appeared to dramatically vindicate Riesel's repeated warnings about the dangerous power of labor racketeers and it helped spur the creation of the largest ever congressional investigation into union corruption, the McClellan Committee hearings (1957–1959). This article raises important questions about the accepted version of why this attack occurred and what it meant. It uses recently released documents from the FBI as well as records from the McClellan Committee's staff. The article also suggests that several governmental bodies, including the FBI and the US Attorney's Office, played a role in furthering the public's misunderstanding of this episode. In so doing it offers a new understanding about how the issue of union corruption came to assume an important place on the nation's political agenda in this era.     

Specter of the Black Strikebreaker: Race,Employment, and Labor Activism in the Industrial Era

In the last decade of the 19th century, the outcome of the clash between the miners and the Black Diamond Coal Company in the western mountain community of Mansfield appeared preordained. A labor force that had once numbered about 2500, composed of white men, mostly American, Welsh, Irish, and Canadian, had seen its ranks reduced by unemployment; those still employed endured repeated wage cuts (wages had been reduced by 25% in just over a year), which made it a struggle for “many a miner's family to exist.” In an earlier bout of labor conflict, employers' reliance upon militiamen and Italian strikebreakers led to a decisive defeat for the miners' unions. Now, once again on strike, miners found themselves evicted from their company-owned homes and threatened by “[A]ctual starvation.” With strikers reportedly in an “ugly mood,” an outbreak of violence was only a matter of time.     

工人运动视野下邓中夏“纸老虎”观点探析

邓中夏的"纸老虎"观点,源于其认为资本家是"老虎"、工贼背叛革命是为虎作伥。在领导工人运动的实践中,他逐渐认识到资本家、军阀和帝国主义的本质,认为这些也是"纸老虎"。在省港大罢工中,邓中夏的"纸老虎"观点包含着认清英帝国主义的真面目、英帝国主义危机论和中华民族反英斗争的实践总结等丰富的内涵。其"纸老虎"观点随着中国工人运动而不断发展,反映了他寻求中国革命之路的理论和实践的发展历程。     

论行政前置对拒不支付劳动报酬罪犯罪构成的影响

《刑法修正案(八)》将情节严重的拒不支付劳动报酬的行为规定为犯罪,立法旨在于通过这种严厉的刑罚措施,对劳动者的合法权益进行更好的保护。肯定的是,欠薪入罪能够从某种程度上缓解用人单位不支付劳动报酬的问题,但是由于社会关系尤其是劳动关系的复杂性以及拒不支付劳动报酬罪司法实践中遇到的各种问题,如行政机关工作的不确定性,行政机关和司法机关的工作衔接的不稳定性,该立法并未能更好地对劳动者权益进行保护。行政前置具有何种地位、有关部门如何界定、责令的方式和性质如何确定,都是拒不支付劳动报酬罪中值得研究的问题。"行政前置"的增设从某种程度上来说存在不合理处。(1)     

A syndicalist moment? Democracy,insurgent unionism,and the ‘Outlaw Strike’ of 1920

This article considers World War I era labor insurgency through an examination of the 1920 ‘outlaw’ switchmen’s strike, one of the largest rank-and-file revolts of the postwar strike wave. Drawing upon Bureau of Investigation surveillance reports, the article argues the strike represented not so much an expression of a ‘syndicalist impulse’ as a struggle over the definition of the new unionism and the ideological legacy of the war. Inspired by the wartime rhetoric of Americanism and industrial democracy, pressed by the rising cost of living, and frustrated with the failure of the state and their parent unions to deliver living wages, the insurgents briefly succeeded in building democratic, cross-craft unions. The rebel unionists failed, but the ‘Outlaw Strike’ arguably was as important as the later and larger 1922 national shopmen’s strike in the way it highlighted issues of wages, union democracy, and employee representation.     

被派遣劳动者适用无固定期限劳动合同的法律问题探讨 —— 以机关事业单位使用编制外人员为视角

我国机关事业单位以劳务派遣方式使用编制外人员有其特殊的历史背景。劳动合同用工中，劳 动者“非因本人原因从原用人单位被安排到新用人单位工作”引发的法律后果的逻辑解读应为：如果劳动者的 连续工作年限满十年的，则新用人单位负有与其签订无固定期限劳动合同的义务；如果劳动者的连续工作年限 不满十年，其意义仅在于新用人单位在解除、终止劳动合同支付经济补偿时，是否应当合并计算劳动者在原用 人单位的工作年限。劳务派遣用工中，用工单位的性质不应视为是属于被派遣劳动者的“新用人单位”，而通 过界定“逆向劳务派遣”或适用实质雇主判断规则，寻求用工单位承担实际用人单位的法定义务的裁判思路， 应当审慎。劳务派遣用工中，劳动者是否享有要求劳务派遣单位签订无固定期限劳动合同的权利，亟待立法明确。     

新时代和谐劳动关系构建 —— 基于劳动行政法规视角的研究

我国现行劳动立法过分倚重劳动监察,劳动监察适用情形又非常宽泛且执行不力。与此同时, 我国现行劳动立法对劳动行政指导、劳动行政服务、劳动行政激励手段基本虚置不用。因此,欲构建新时代和 谐劳动关系,我国劳动行政法律制度亟待完善、创新。     

Arts and Media

The Little Steel strike of 1937 has taken on iconic significance for historians, in large part because of the anti-labor violence of the Memorial Day Massacre. What has garnered considerably less attention is the community mobilization that accompanied the strike. For a brief moment, steel workers and their allies challenged the anti-democratic tendencies in the Steel Workers Organizing Committee. While SWOC leaders focused almost exclusively on the achievement of a signed contract, women of the steel auxiliaries, workers on the picket line, and middle-class liberals from across Chicago sought to transform the strike into something larger than a showdown over union recognition. For this coalition, the Little Steel strike was a flashpoint in a wider struggle social democratic reform. In the mobilization prior to Memorial Day and in the protest movement that followed it, key elements of Chicago's liberal-labor coalition espoused the egalitarian values of the Popular Front. Far from an exercise in bread-and-butter moderation, the strike became the occasion for a larger social uprising. This expression of united front commitment drew on the example of the Unemployed Councils and the front-line militancy that is often only associated with the Flint sit-down strike and the general strikes of 1934. In Chicago, the Little Steel strike raised the possibility that steelworkers might embrace the ‘civic unionism’ that animated the left-led unions of the era.     

超龄人员用工法律关系研究 —— 以《审理劳动争议案件解释（三）》第七条为切入点

因《劳动合同法》与《劳动合同法实施条例》存在相左规定,司法实践中,对超龄用工关系性质的认定不统一。《最高人民法院关于审理劳动争议案件适用法律若干问题的解释(三)》第七条对此冲突进行了补正。然而,因超龄用工关系认定理论的不足,仍未能解决司法实务中判断基准与裁判标准不统一问题,影响了司法的稳定性和可预见性。对此问题应以广阔的视角和务实的精神加以检讨:即以"社会保险待遇说"和"特殊劳动关系说"为理论支撑,在辨识劳动关系和劳动法律关系的前提下,从"分类以视之"的分析方式和解决思路入手,厘清超龄用工关系之情形,以准确认定其法律性质。     

20世纪20年代初安源工人代表会议制度的历史探索及经验启示

20世纪20年代初,中国共产党领导安源工人在革命实践中进行了各方面的建设,特别是模仿苏维埃制度模式,建立了十代表、百代表、总代表三级建构的工人代表会议制度,使安源工人在党早期领导革命斗争的局部范围内,实现了工人“做人”的资格和“作主”的地位,为安源工运在革命低潮中“硕果仅存”提供了政治保障。中共早期在安源工运时期建立的工人代表会议制度,为党探索人民代表大会制度提供了重要经验,对新时代坚持和完善人民代表大会制度具有深刻的启示。     

智慧城市建设之环卫工人劳动权益保障

城市环卫工人是一个城市良好运行的基本保障。但城市环卫工人的生存状况较差。职业地位不高,收入水平很低,从业环境安全度低,劳动合同签订率低,工伤权益无法获得保障等问题严重侵害了环卫工人这一群体的合法权益。首先,应通过提高职业工资和社会宣传提高环卫工人的职业地位,改变他们长期受歧视的状况;其次,要落实劳动合同签订问题,保障他们的基本劳动权益;第三,则需要对职业病目录和我国工伤法律制度进行调整,将超龄人员纳入劳动合同关系加以处理,增加职业病目录中的职业病种类,保护环卫工人的身体健康;第四,在法律上确立作业中的环卫工人在道路上享有受避让权;第五,推进垃圾强制分类制度,结合科技创新,提高工作效率,整体降低环卫工人的工作强度和工作时长,改善环卫工人的工作环境。     

Rural unions and the struggle for land in Brazil

Studies of Brazil's agricultural labor movement have generally neglected its relationship to the struggle for land, but this is neither fair nor accurate. Analyzing the rural labor movement's historical contributions to the land struggle in Brazil, this contribution has been organized into three main periods, emphasizing social relations, institutional activism and policy changes. It argues that despite the peculiarities of different historical contexts, rural labor consistently provoked protest against policies that privileged large landholders, whose concentration of power over land and labor resources continually worsened Brazil's ranking as one of the most unequal of nations. For more than half a century, the most constant opponent of this situation among the peasantry has been the National Confederation of Workers in Agriculture (CONTAG), a corporatist organization of rural labor unions founded in 1963.     

求职欺诈解雇研究

求职欺诈不仅误导用人单位作出错误的意思表示,而且扰乱用人单位的正常经营秩序,因此,求职欺诈解雇的理论路径包括劳动合同效力瑕疵以及惩戒解雇。司法裁判就上述理论路径的适用形成了并列竞合、以惩戒解雇为主,以及单一的劳动合同效力三种模式。本研究基于裁判文书,分析我国求职欺诈解雇司法裁判的现状,从理论上反思我国《劳动合同法》及其司法裁判中并列竞合模式形成的原因,并指出其实践中存在的问题。研究认为,从劳动合同的契约本质、劳动关系的特点以及劳动立法的目的来看,我国应选择以惩戒解雇为主的理论路径,并在实质审查、告知义务、解雇权行使的期间以及赔偿四方面对求职欺诈解雇制度予以完善。     

系统论视域下平台劳动者劳动权益保护的基本逻辑

新型平台用工方式的多样性和复杂性决定了构建劳动者劳动权益系统性保护的必要。从系统论视角审视,新型平台用工方式冲击了我国传统以劳动关系构建起的劳动者劳动权益保护系统,突出表现为劳动从属性弱化割裂系统整体性,多层嵌套性用工消解系统层次性,内外环境互动渠道受阻影响系统开放性。研究认为,借鉴系统论相关原理,我国平台劳动者劳动权益保护的基本逻辑应遵循三条路径展开：加强系统整体性,推动劳动从属性各要素的优化重组;扩容系统层次性,构筑劳动关系分层分类保护体系;提高系统内外环境开放性,构建政府、平台、工会、平台劳动者等多元协同治理场域。将平台劳动者纳入系统保护中,推动我国劳动者劳动权益保护系统迈向更高层次的动态平衡。     

A pivotal role? The AFL–CIO and the 2008 presidential election

This article explores the role that organized labor played in the landmark presidential election of 2008. In particular, it explores the work of the American Federation of Labor–Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFL–CIO), which ran its biggest ever election campaign in 2008, spending upwards of $250 million. While there is a vibrant emerging literature on the election, particularly from political scientists and former reporters, labor’s role in the story has been largely overlooked. Drawing on new parts of the AFL–CIO’s papers, as well as interviews with key staffers and federation leaders, this article highlights the important – and overlooked – role that labor played in putting Barack Obama into the White House. Especially important were its extensive efforts to educate – and pressure – white members, many of whom had backed other candidates during the Democratic primaries, to support Obama. Indeed, the Washington Post asserted that union members played a ‘pivotal role’ in Obama’s victory, especially in terms of delivering the white vote. It was a conclusion largely supported by exit polls, which showed that white union members were much more likely to support Obama than whites who were not in unions. The article highlights that despite the decline in union density – by this time only about 12% of American workers belonged to unions, compared to 35% in the 1950s – the labor movement retained considerable political influence, chiefly because of reforms carried out by AFL–CIO President John J. Sweeney. While Obama was unable to fulfill many of the expectations generated by his campaign, the story of labor and the 2008 election is an important one in its own right, showing that contemporary labor could still be a powerful and constructive force.     

Dancing Sita/reinventing a body disappeared: Notes from from Sita: Lament,fury, and a plea for peace

Richard Shannon's solo performance piece, The Lady of Burma, takes his audience inside Burmese democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi's imprisonment as she tells her story, moving between memory and the present. This excerpt begins as Suu Kyi has returned to Burma to care for her ailing mother, just as students begin to take to the streets against the ruling junta. In this sequence, Suu Kyi re-enacts the early violence subjected to the democracy activists (scenes that are eerily reminiscent of the spectacle of violence documented in Iran over the past year). As the scene continues, Suu Kyi describes her gradual engagement with the democracy activists, building to her famed address at the sacred Shwedagon Pagoda, in which Suu Kyi mobilized many of the nation's population in their struggle for liberation. The excerpt ends as Suu Kyi continues her struggle to lead the Burmese people to freedom through peaceful revolution, at the same time that her mother's life is coming to a close.