Constitutionalism as a solution to despotism and imperialism: the Iranian Constitutional Revolution in the Ottoman-Turkish press

This article contributes to the growing scholarship on the connections between the Ottoman and Iranian revolutions by exploring Ottomans’ reactions to and portrayal of the constitutional struggle in Iran. Based on an examination of primary sources that have not been utilized before, it reveals how an ideologically diverse group of intellectuals tried to link the two revolutions together in the Ottoman-Turkish press, focusing on shared problems and ideals. It demonstrates that undergoing a revolutionary process themselves, these intellectuals interpreted the events in Iran through the prism of their own experiences and used them to garner support for the constitutional regime at home. Through their depictions of the Iranian revolution, they not only portrayed the 1908 Revolution as part of a broader struggle against despotism and imperialism with significant implications for the Islamic world, but also conveyed the message that the Ottoman constitution needed to be supported and protected so that it did not fail like the one in Iran.     

The Constitutional Movement and the Baha'is of Iran: The Creation of an ‘Enemy Within’

This article looks at the role of the Baha'is in the Constitutional Revolution of Iran, 1906–1911. It propounds three major theses. First, that when the royalists and anti-constitutionalist clerics accused the Constitutionalists of being “Babis”, it was the Baha'i community that they were referring to rather than the Azali Babis. Second, that the Baha'is had a complex relationship with the Constitutionalist Movement, sometimes supporting it and sometimes abstaining from involvement in politics, but that in any case, the impact of the Baha'is on the reformers and on the Revolution has been underestimated by most writers. Third, that, despite their closeness in terms of ideas about social reform, the enmity of the Azalis and clerics caused the Baha'is to be excluded from the reform legislation resulting from the Constitutional Revolution and effectively to be excluded from Iranian society. It resulted in the creation of an “enemy within”. Some of the consequences of this both for the Baha'is and for Iran are discussed.     

Iranian balances

Roots of Revolution, An Interpretive History of Modern Iran, by Nikki R. Keddie with a Section by Yann Richard. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1981. Pp.321.

Continuity and Change in Modern Iran edited by Michael Bonine and Nikki R. Keddie, Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981. Pp.359.     

Mubarak's Constitutional Reforms

Egypt's President, Hosni Mubarak, is noted for having perfected the art of seemingly introducing reforms while actually consolidating his autocratic rule. In response to domestic and international pressure, he has recently introduced further reforms, in the hope of silencing the opposition and officially rectifying Egypt's poor human rights record. In his speeches and public statements, Mubarak has promised to set Egypt on the road to freedom, human rights, and democracy. He has established a National Council for Human Rights, more freedom for political parties and the press, and a series of constitutional amendments liberalising presidential elections and allowing more democracy, with a great deal of fanfare. This paper will consider the significance in reality of these constitutional amendments, particularly as regards human rights and democracy, the powers of the president and the role of non-governmental organisations and ordinary citizens in decision making. We conclude that, welcome as they are, the reforms have so far not been effective in moderating the president's absolute authority, neither have they lived up to public expectations. Whatever reform measures the Egyptian government has reluctantly introduced have been drained of any real substance by legal stratagems or hedged with all sorts of restrictions.     

Nigerian Constitutional Proposals

On the igih November, the Parliament at Westminster acceptedSir Arthur Richards' proposals for a new Constitution, as modifiedin June and by the replacement of the three representativesof special interests in Legislative Council by three generalnominees. This article completes our survey of official andunofficial reaction.It is by the editor of Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo,and reflects what is probably the majority opinion among theeducated representatives of the eight millions of Hausa people.     

Selecting Constitutional Judges Randomly

This article discusses from the perspective of democratic theory an innovative proposal for the selection of constitutional, supreme court, or federal judges that aims at combining the values of expertise and political independence. It consists in combining a certification process – selecting a pool of properly qualified candidates – with a random selection among this pool. We argue that such selection procedure would better respect the separation of powers and the specific legitimacy of courts, and we champion this two‐stage mechanism vis‐à‐vis other, more traditionally employed, selection procedures. We then deal with a diversity of objections to our proposal and conclude by taking stock of both its virtues and limitations.     

The Executive and the Constitutional Reforms Process in Sri Lanka

ABSTRACT

The debate on whether the executive presidential system which was introduced to Sri Lanka in 1978 should be retained, reformed or abolished is not a new one. It is a topic which is central to constitutional reformation in Sri Lanka, but one which always carries the potential of either making or breaking any attempt made at reforming the Constitution. This article examines the character of the post of executive president in Sri Lanka and how the most recent constitutional reforms process (initiated in 2015–2016) has sought to engage with the topic of executive presidency. Departing from the more popular trend of unconditionally critiquing the executive presidency, this article calls for a more realistic and dispassionate assessment of not only the possibility of abolishing the executive presidency but also of the viability of a prime ministerial system in Sri Lanka.     

Defining and Understanding the Jihadi-Salafi Movement

Jihadi-Salafi groups have been on the march in the post-9/11 years on a violent campaign to achieve their ends. From North America to South-East Asia and from Europe to Sub-Saharan Africa, Jihadi-Salafis have attacked Western and local targets with often devastating results. Despite growing attention to the Jihadi-Salafi movement, which includes both globalized and localized components, there are still questions that remain largely unanswered. Three new books can shed light on this modern phenomenon that has preoccupied Western security policies for the past decade. Jihadi-Salafism is a large and diverse movement with a global reach that has embarked on an armed struggle to defend the imagined ummah.     

Urbanizing the Iranian public: text,Tehran and 1922

By using the heuristic device of transpatialization and the methodology of urban cultural studies, this article argues that the 1922 serialized novel Tehrān-e Makhuf (Dreadful Tehran) by Seyyed Mortaza Moshfeq-e Kazemi (1902–1978), with its distinctly urban modes of imagination and production, at once reflected and propelled a process that can be termed the urbanization of the Iranian public. The article analyses the literary techniques with which Moshfeq contributed to this process; the circumstances and context in which the novel was produced; and the ideological change reflected in the author and his work. The article thus sheds light on a crucial stage in modern Iranian history by unravelling some of the socio-spatial intertwinements that made that history.     

君主立宪与尼泊尔王权的演变

1951年尼泊尔临时宪法确立了君主立宪制政体,但国王仍享有特权。1959年马亨德拉国王与政党达成妥协,权力受到限制。1960年马亨德拉重新收回权力,实行无党派评议会制,大权在握。1990年多党议会民主制恢复后,比兰德拉国王颁布新宪法,国王的权力受到削弱,但仍握有一定的实权。因此,国王在尼泊尔政治生活中仍扮演着重要的角色,是一支不可忽视的力量。     

弗莱堡学派和宪政经济学

本文首先介绍弗莱堡学派的历史背景及其方法论,然后叙述弗莱堡学派和德国社会市场经济之间的联系。其次,阐述了现代宪政经济学的基本思想,分析立宪选择的问题,然后区分了宪政的两种观点:契约观点和传统习俗观点。本文还比较了弗莱堡学派和宪政经济学,指出它们的相同点和不同点。最后讨论了弗莱堡学派传统的未来前景。     

The Constitution of Japan and Constitutional Reform

Although there have been movements to revise the Constitution of Japan, the original text has remained in effect for 70 years. This article examines the rules of constitutional revision, the basis on which the Constitution was drafted, and the ramifications of an unmodified constitution. Japan's Constitution is compared in terms of length and number of revisions with those of other industrialized countries. The article concludes with recommendations for making Japan's Constitution better able to function in a legal capacity.