The combined and uneven development of working-class capacities in Turkey, 1960–2016

ABSTRACT

How have Turkey’s working-class capacities been evolving since the 1960s? What have been the peculiarities of Turkey’s import-substitutionalist model and later integration into the neoliberal economic landscape, as they pertain to the transformation of the Turkish working class? Our aim here is two-fold: (i) to contribute to a systematic understanding of the historical development of Turkey’s working class; and (ii) to develop a new conceptual lens for class-capacity analysis from a combined and uneven development perspective. By class capacities, we refer to the ability of the working class to develop an awareness of its long-term interests and organize to struggle for these collective interests. We employ theory-guided process tracing as the main methodological guideline to study the historical development of Turkey’s working-class capacities.     

A coffin worker and the labor problem: Ethelbert Stewart and Henry Demarest Lloyd

This is the story of how the working class in the downriver Detroit region participated in efforts to make the Pointe Mouillée Wildlife Refuge a viable, unpolluted, public hunting ground, accessible to all and to keep it that way throughout the twentieth century. This is a genealogy or micro-history of a small, wet place that served as source of a primarily white, male, working-class culture and identity throughout the twentieth century. Local, downriver citizens, many of them members of the working class, participated in sportsmen's organizations and lobbied and worked with a variety of state agencies to accomplish this goal. They participated in establishing an environmental ethic and culture around the outdoor activities connected to this place – duck hunting, trapping, and fishing. That desire to ‘produce’ a certain space reflected class interests and history. It reveals a hidden aspect of the agency of one large segment of the downriver working-class community.     

提高教代会代表素质发挥主人翁作用

高校教代会代表要经过民主选举产生,在选举中要着重抓几个环节.选出的代表既有参政能力,又有参政热情,真正代表广大教职工切身利益,出于公心参政议政,当好职工群众联系领导的桥梁和纽带.     

工人阶级是保持党的先进性建设和谐社会的主力军

保持党的先进性是马克思主义政党自身建设的根本任务,是新时期加强党的执政能力建设的系统工程,中国共产党的先进性体现在“三个代表”重要思想的落实上。中国工人阶级作为党的阶级基础始终是保持和发展党的先进性的重要实践者,始终是中国共产党依靠的根本力量。在实现“十一五”规划、全面建设小康社会、构建社会主义和谐社会的历史进程中,当代工人阶级应当充分发挥主力军作用。     

提高职工代表素质夯实工会维护基础

职工代表参政议政有"三多三少",即积极参与议政的多,不愿参与议政的少;不懂得如何议政的多,懂得如何议政的少;关心涉及个人利益审议案的多,关心涉及企业长远利益或重大决策审议案的少.要解决这些问题,就要在这些方面下功夫:把好代表的选举关;办好新当选职工代表的培训班;保障职工代表的知情权;尊重职工代表的建议权;保障职工代表个人的各种合法权益不受侵害.     

A nexus between labour movement and labour movement: the Knights of Labor and the financial side of global labour history

The rise of global and transnational labour history has revolutionised the study of working-class movements and individuals and the global forces that shaped them. Some of the more mundane considerations of these movements, however, have so far been neglected in this rapidly growing field. One of the most important of these considerations was money, or in other words the financial affairs of transnational movements such as trade unions and political parties. This article is a call to write the financial side of global labour history. It focuses on a global working-class movement that is itself often neglected in the historical literature, the Knights of Labor, and their outposts in Britain and Ireland. It examines the history of the British and Irish Knights through the prism of their financial history, so far as we can reconstruct it from the scanty sources that are available. This article argues that their financial ties with the United States and a series of embezzlement cases became major causes of their decline and, ultimately, their dissolution. Finally, this article draws conclusions from the financial misadventures of the British and Irish Knights of Labor that are relevant to the study of other international working-class movements and to the writing of global labour history in general.     

Using “The gun act”: Federal regulation and the politics of the strike threat during World War I

This study examines the working-class custom of “can rushing,” a.k.a. “rushing the growler,” which was the common saloon-era practice of carrying alcohol (usually beer) from a saloon in a pail for consumption elsewhere. The ubiquitous saloon served as one of the most contentious spaces between the middle class and a burgeoning working class during the Gilded Age/Progressive Era, and reformers attacked it as a blight on their communities and working-class drinking customs as a threat to a moral and orderly society. Reformers' efforts to restrict can rushing was part of a larger effort to impose middle-class control over workers' leisure activities and their parental prerogatives. For much of the working class the saloon and the cultural mores that surrounded it were a mainstay of their culture. While men were the primary customers of the saloon's interior, “rushing the growler” turned women and children into saloon customers as well. Reformers portrayed this practice as the lowest form of saloon patronage for men, while at the same time arguing that it was a dire threat to the moral welfare of women and children. Much of the working class, however, viewed this practice as an efficient and economical way to consume alcohol in the workplace, on the street, and in the home. This study will consider how the struggle over can rushing politicized this cherished working-class leisure activity.     

关于职工董事、职工监事的身份问题

职工董事、职工监事的身份应当是劳动力产权的代表 ,劳动力产权问题是工会理论与实践的出发点 ,职工以劳动力产权代表的身份进入董事会、监事会 ,有利于确定职工的主体地位和独特的权益。明确和实现职工的主体地位和独特的权益 ,也是我国社会主义本质的要求。因此 ,“国有独资和国有控股公司的董事会、监事会都要有职工代表参加 ,这不是一般的方法问题 ,而是建立有中国特色的现代企业制度的根本原则问题。”     

集体合同工作难以落实的原因和对策的分析

集体合同工作难以落实的主要表现,包括劳资双方或单方协商代表缺位而无法谈判;因协商代表角色存在问题而走过场;双方主体经济地位不平等而无法平等谈判;知识、信息掌握不同而难以平等谈判.工会难以落实集体合同工作的深层原因,是我国工会组织利益诉求模糊,工会组织包括工会主席缺乏代表性,劳方及工会缺乏有效地表达自身诉求的手段.解决上述问题的基本思路是:明确劳方及其代表(工会)、资方及其代表(工商联、企业家协会)、政府各自的性质和角色,并在现实中回归各自应有的性质和角色.     

双赢:私营企业工会工作的价值取向--关于私营企业工会维权工作的思考

私营企业工会在维护劳动者权益的同时,还要注意维护经营者的合法利益.工会组织应在私营企业中努力营造劳资双方合作的氛围,以形成"劳资两利"的双赢局面.     

企业管理应坚持全心全意依靠工人阶级的指导方针

改革开放30年来,企业管理引进了大量西方的理论和理念,关于工人阶级的概念和全心全意依靠工人阶级的方针有很多不同的声音。在社会主义市场经济条件下,工人阶级最广泛地包括所有以工资收入为来源的职工,全心全意依靠工人阶级,就是要最大限度地调动一切积极因素,致力于企业发展和社会主义建设。它是极具先进性的理念和方法,更加强调对“人”这一重要因素的尊重。在企业管理中,我们不是要弱化这一理念,而是要坚定不移地贯彻这一指导方针。     

‘Getting Out and Getting Away’: Women's Narratives of Class Mobility

This article is concerned with the ways in which women narrate a move from a ‘working-class’ position to a position marked (in however fragmentary and complex a way) as ‘middle class’. While such a move might be seen in terms of a straightforward escape from a disadvantaged social position, I argue here that what has to be analysed is the pain and the sense of estrangement associated with this class movement.Drawing on the class narratives of a group of seven white British women, the article uses Bourdieu's concepts of symbolic capital and habitus to explore the cultural and symbolic configurations of class. These configurations may be inscribed into the self, so that the self, itself, is class marked. Since working-class selves are frequently marked in pathological terms, this raises particular difficulties for the idea of an ‘escape’ from such a position. Class in this sense is embedded in people's history and so cannot be so easily ‘escaped’. The usual conventions of life-narratives – in which the self remains the same entity from birth to death and later events are a culmination of earlier ones – are also disrupted in this case.But if a working-class position is marked as pathological, so too is taking on the markers of middle-class existence. To do so is not only to risk ‘getting it wrong’, but it is also to risk the scorn attached to ‘pretentiousness’. There is a particular jeopardy here for women, since it is women who have been especially associated with desires for artefacts associated with bourgeois existence. The article argues for a focus for classed desires and class envy, not in pathological terms, but in terms of a coherent response to political and social exclusions.     

"A Trade Union Oriented War on the Slums": Harold Gibbons,Ernest Calloway,and the St Louis Teamsters in the 1960s*

Michael Ross was international affairs director for the American Congress of Industrial Organizations from 1945 to 1955 and for the merged American Federation of Labour—Congress of Industrial Organizations from 1958 until his death in 1963. As such, he played a prominent role in the bitter anti-communist international trade union politics of the day. Ross, however, had been a communist in his younger years. Making use of Ross's own writings and an extensive secondary literature on the politics of the period, this article seeks to describe and explain his ideological journey. It argues that, while there were significant shifts in Ross's politics, there were also underlying consistencies. Specifically, it is contended that Ross retained a consistent commitment apparent throughout his career—as advocate of Soviet communism, New Deal bureaucrat, and trade union official—to working-class interests advanced by technocratic planning. It notes, however, that the radicalism and ambition of this politics were diluted both by the successes and constraints of Ross's career advancement and, more substantively, by a political context hostile to planning ideals in the US after 1945.     

Class,ethnicity and gender intertwined: Jewish women and the East London rent strikes, 1935-1940

Abstract

Feminist theorists have long debated whether gender or class position is of primary importance in shaping women's political consciousness; the consequences of ethnic or religious distinctions have not been examined as fully. This article hopes to rectify some of these oversights by focusing on the experiences of working-class, east London Jewish women involved in the pre-war rent strikes organized by the Communist-led Stepney Tenants' Defence League. It attempts to explain why so many of them became left-wing militants while their female Irish neighbors, equally marginalized, often gravitated towards the radical right. It concludes that in these close-knit communities ethnic identity proved more politically salient than did class or gender.     

稳定员工队伍创建和谐团队

构建社会主义和谐企业,是"三个代表"重要思想的内在要求,是落实科学发展观的重要内容,也是促进企业发展、实现职工利益的基本前提。     

谈劳动关系市场化过程中劳动者权益保障的几个问题

劳动关系市场化使劳动关系的双方作为独立的经济主体,在劳动力市场上及生产过程中,通过博弈来实现各自的经济利益。在此博弈中劳动者处于弱势,劳动者权益受到损害。保障劳动者权益,应当充分保障劳动者的话语权,保障劳动者获得充分的劳动力价值补偿,保障劳动者参与企业利润分享的权利,以及充分发挥工会组织的维权作用。     

维护维权者事关维权之成败

工会干部是工会维权使命的肩负者 ,职工合法权益的维护者。工会干部依法行使维权职能的行为得不到保障 ,工会就不可能成为职工合法权益的代表者和维护者。破题之策在于举法治之剑、破体制之弊、建维权之功、创作为之业。维护维权者的依法维权 ,不能简单理解为只是维护某个工会干部的权益 ,而是维护了中国工会的维权旗帜。     

Lavinia seabrooke,gender and state formation in late nineteenth-century South Australia

The strained relations between feminist organisations and the labour movement have often been attributed to the male dominance of the labour movement rather than the influence of class and political loyalties. This article questions that approach. Using the minutes of the Glasgow and West of Scotland Suffrage Society, labour movement organisations, and Glasgow City Council and newspaper accounts, it examines relations between the Independent Labour Party in the west of Scotland and the Glasgow and West of Scotland Suffrage Society. These highlight how the class and political loyalties of feminists from this organisation were as destructive to any potential feminist and non-feminist alliances which would improve the lives of working-class women as the ‘male dominance’ of the Independent Labour Party.     

对增强农民工工人阶级意识的一点思考

农民工是工人阶级的重要组成部分,这已形成广泛的社会共识。但就绝大多数农民工而言,在思想上工人阶级意识还相当淡薄。因此,对于广大农民工来讲,我们不能仅停留在承认其是工人阶级的一部分,还要加强思想“灌输”,使其工人阶级意识不断增强;加强相关制度的改革和完善,为农民工向产业工人转化提供良好的条件和环境,使农民工深切感受到作为工人阶级的荣誉感、自豪感,从而使他们的工人阶级意识在潜移默化中得到强化,不断推动农民工工人阶级意识的确立。