略论我国劳动关系的转型及当前特征

中国劳动关系的转型,指我国的劳动关系形态和调整劳动关系的模式正在从以往的计划经济体制向市场经济体制转变。国有企业改革与经济所有制结构的调整、劳动用工制度改革和劳动力市场的发育、工资分配制度的改革是影响劳动关系变化的三大体制性因素。当前中国劳动关系的主要特征是,劳动关系的市场化基本完成,劳动关系的法制化逐步加强,劳动关系的全球化初显端倪。劳动关系基本面的特征已演化为劳资关系,劳动关系所覆盖的人口已成为中国人口结构中的主体;劳动关系作为最重要的经济和社会关系,对中国社会发展方向正在发挥着越来越重要的作用。     

论对工会的保护

各级工会为改革开放和经济发展做出了巨大贡献,随着市场经济体制的逐步建立,工会又被赋予了更加重要的使命.然而不公正地对待工会的行为和事件时有发生,加强对工会的保护刻不容缓.通过对工会组织、工会干部、工会财物的保护,为工会创造一个适宜的工作环境,这不仅是工会的事,而且也关系到劳动者权益的维护,劳动关系的协调,乃至社会的稳定.     

试论现阶段工会工资工作对经济发展的推动作用

随着市场经济的完善和劳动力市场的规范,工会工资工作在经济中发挥着越来越重要的作用.特别在现阶段,工会监督工资支付和提高最低工资标准,为经济持续发展提供基本条件;工会参与制定企业工资指导线和开展工资集体协商,是经济健康、持续发展的重要保证;通过对目前经济形势和央行货币政策的分析,工会工资工作对克服通货紧缩起到积极的推动作用.     

市场经济概念刍议--兼谈社会主义市场经济理论的构建基础

目前的理论教材将市场经济定义为仅是资源配置方式或经济体制,此定义在理论和教学中尚有一些问题存在.在西方经济学中市场经济既是资源配置方式,也是经济制度和价值观.市场经济概念是社会主义市场经济理论的构建基础,因此有必要深入探讨.     

Capitalism obscured: the limits of law and rights-based approaches to poverty reduction and development

The Commission on the Legal Empowerment of the Poor (CLEP) was established by the United Nations in 2005 and concluded in 2008. Although inspired by Hernando de Soto's analysis of the role of property rights in economic development, the scope of the Commission was defined as ‘legal empowerment’ in general. This commentary offers a critique of the CLEP report, and argues that its underlying assumptions rest on an idealised version of liberal democratic capitalism in which a dynamic market economy assures ‘win-win’ solutions for all. This implies that there are no tensions between the four ‘pillars’ of legal empowerment identified by CLEP (the rule of law, property rights, labour rights, and business rights). However, in the real world of capitalism, in both democratic and authoritarian versions, there are structural tensions between classes of capital and classes of labour, which result in the economy and its underlying institutional order becoming a key site of contestation. The case of farm labour in rural South Africa is used to illustrate this argument. A focus on legal rights can, however, be ‘empowering’ to a degree, when it helps defend poor people from exploitation and abuse, or is located within broader strategies to eradicate systemic poverty.     

The Miser's Store: Property and Traditional Law in the Governance of the 'Native' Economy

Recent studies of 'liberal governmentality' have examined how state actions regulate the ideally self-regulating economic sphere [Burchell, 1991]; this article highlights the particular dilemmas of liberal governmentality in a colonial arena where not one, but two types of economy were posited. By analysing the system of traditional property law implemented by the Dutch in two locations in central Sulawesi, Netherlands East Indies (now Indonesia), I show that property is only an indifferent marker of class, and that the limits of surplus extraction are set by control of other means of production. By arguing that both 'traditional' and 'capitalist' economies are embedded in the same local legal culture, I hope to demonstrate that a shift from the one to the other cannot of itself offer the promised benefits of modernity.     

经济理性与劳资关系

在完善社会主义市场经济体制和市场化劳动关系中,人们愈来愈重视理性和经济理性的作用与研究。这是一个极具社会经济价值的问题。和谐劳资关系的构建根本在于"合理"性,关键在于这个"理"应该怎样讲。这个"理"必须是社会理性和经济理性的有机结合。     

工会理论政策研究的地位与作用论纲--兼论全国总工会理论政策研究的方向与方法

工会理论政策研究性质,首先是政治理论政策研究,又是经济理论政策研究,同时也是社会理论政策研究.改革开放以来,尽管中国工会理论政策研究已有相当成就,但就不断深化的改革事业以及工会运动的客观需求而言,其作用还是相当的不足或滞后.加强和改善工会理论政策研究,是实现工会工作市场化的基础和前提.全总的理论政策研究应该具有实践的前导性和理论政策的敏锐性,还应该实现学科化和社会化.     

俄罗斯工会改革的历史与现实：基于社会统合主义的分析

俄罗斯工会在苏联解体之后经历了由计划经济到市场经济的转变,最终形成了社会统合主义的 模式。本研究在梳理俄罗斯工会改革历史的基础上,根据统合主义理论分析了俄罗斯工会在与政府的关系、对 工人利益的代表性和自身行动能力 3 个方面的现实情况。研究认为,俄罗斯工会在改革初期复杂、动荡的政治 经济背景下所追求的自由主义模式受历史因素影响并不成功。改革的转机出现在统一俄罗斯党成立之后,俄罗 斯工会与政府关系迅速改善,并在执政党的同情和支持下提升了自身对工人利益的代表性和行动能力,特别是 运用法律武器的能力。但俄罗斯工会也面临着新就业形式和移民劳工增长的挑战,还需要进一步的改革以适应 劳动力市场的复杂变化。     

Perceived Social Support and Well Being in School; The Role of Students’ Ethnicity

This paper reports on the relationship between early adolescents’ evaluation of the availability of instructional and social support from parents, teachers, and peers and their well-being. The main questions are whether indigenous and immigrant youngsters differ in their evaluation of the availability of support and whether the relationship varies by group. Participants in the study were 245 Dutch and 172 Turkish/Moroccan 10- to 13-year olds with a lower class background. Both Dutch and immigrant youngsters clearly distinguish between the various agents of support. Dutch youngsters report more instructional support from their parents than from their teacher, whereas immigrant youngsters report more instructional support from their teacher. Both for Dutch and immigrant students, parents were seen as the primary providers of emotional support. Reported well-being in the classroom was related to available teacher support and to the frequency of occurrence of learning-related problems.Paul Vedder is an associate professor trained in developmental psychology. He received his PhD in 1985 from Groningen University, in the Netherlands. His main research interest is with self regulated learning, social competence, cooperative learning, and interethnic relationshipsMonique Boekaerts is a full professor trained as an educational psychologist. She received her PhD in 1978 from Tilburg University in the Netherlands. Her field of expertise is self regulated learning, motivation and emotions.Gerard Seegers is an assistant professor working in the field of self regulated learning, mathematics and ICT. He received his PhD in 1985 from Nijmegen University in the Netherlands. All authors are working at the Center for the Study of Education and Instruction at Leiden University in the Netherlands.     

The Dutch Homo-Emancipation Policy and its Silencing Effects on Queer Muslims

The recent Dutch homo-emancipation policy has identified religious communities, particularly within migrant populations, as a core target group in which to make homosexuality more ‘speakable’. In this article we examine the paradoxical silencing tendencies of this ‘speaking out’ policy on queer Muslim organisations in the Netherlands. We undertake this analysis as the Dutch government is perhaps unique in developing an explicit ‘homo-emancipation’ policy and is often looked to as the model for sexuality politics and legal redress in relation to inequalities on the basis of sexual orientation. We highlight how the ‘speakability’ imperative in the Dutch homo-emancipation policy reproduces a paradigmatic, ‘homonormative’ model of an ‘out’ and ‘visible’ queer sexuality that has also come to be embedded in an anti-immigrant and specifically anti-Muslim discourse in the Netherlands. Drawing on the concept of habitus, particularly in the work of Gloria Wekker, we suggest that rather than relying on a ‘speakability’ policy model, queer Muslim sexualities need to be understood in a more nuanced and intersecting way that attends to their lived realities.     

失业人口增加:中国入世面临的最大冲击

中国加入WTO ,从长期看可以增加就业机会 ,但入世之初将难以避免市场开放带来的阵痛。进口的增加快于出口 ,国内一些弱质企业在剧烈的竞争中被淘汰 ,导致短期内的失业人口大量增加。这是入世面临的诸多冲击中最大冲击和挑战 ,关系社会的稳定和改革、建设的成败。维护职工的劳动就业权 ,是工会维护劳工权益的基础和重中之重。扩大就业 ,减少失业 ,逐步实现充分就业 ,应成为政府经济和社会发展总体战略的核心目标 ,应该把它作为一项基本国策。     

Appealing to the Female Vote: Dutch political parties and the approach of women voters in general election campaigns,c.1922–1980

This article explores the effects of female enfranchisement on the nature of political identity formation in Dutch election campaigns between 1922 and the early 1980s. It argues that women voters played a key role in the imagination of the Netherlands as a ‘pillarised society’ in which political constituencies were represented as stable and based on ‘objective’ characteristics like class and religion. The continuous representation of women as politically ignorant and indifferent served to maintain a self-identity that made women susceptible to ‘be educated’ and ‘learn to understand’ their political identity. The second feminist wave did much to upturn dominant representations, but older discourses proved persistent. The call to take women more seriously as members of the demos, again resulted in a separate treatment of women in political propaganda, with organisations like MVM and the parties' (rebranded) women's clubs, as well as commercial women's magazines now playing a key role in their ‘political education’.     

The working men's party revisited

ABSTRACT

With the implementation of the activation approach, formulated by the American political scientist Lawrence Mead and the British sociologist Anthony Giddens, the labor market policy has been reformed in Germany and many other industrialized countries, since the mid-1990s. A fundamental component of the realignment is that welfare payments are tied more strictly than previously to the acceptance of employment. While in the U.S.A., the new labor market policy is characterized by the ‘workfare’ motto, in Germany, the foundations of the activation are formulated with the guiding principle ‘support and demand’. Nevertheless, due to the shortage of public funds subsidies were cut sharply in recession phases but not increased adequately during the periods of economic recovery. As a result, the promotional elements of the activation concept are far outweighed by enforcement measures, leaving the unemployed to accept less attractive non-standard work. However, even with favorable economic conditions, even a relatively small number of atypical employees successfully made the transition to regular full-time employment. Therefore, in order to facilitate career advancement additional support would be required, which will not end with the recruitment.     

subjects of debate: secular and sexual exceptionalism,and Muslim women in the Netherlands

This article attends to the transformation of national identity that occurs in the context of ‘the multicultural debate’ in the Netherlands, and unfolds on the terrain of Dutch (secular and sexual) exceptionalism. First, it explores the connections between two topics that are prominent in the ‘multicultural debates’ all over Europe and undergird the civilizational discourse of a post-Cold War geopolitical era: discussions about secularism on the one hand, and gender and sexual politics on the other. Through a mode of ‘secular nostalgia’, which mobilizes the understanding of the Netherlands as a place par excellence of emancipation for both women and sexual minorities, the Dutch secular arrangement is restructured in new exclusionary ways. Second, it explores how dominant discourses on the symbolic and material borders of the nation interpellate young Muslim women who often figure as the central ‘subjects of debate’. I rely on the notion of interpellation (Althusser) to explore the question of subject formation, with a particular attention to the epistemological conditions of ‘talking back’ as a subject whose constituency and agency is always already informed by the terms in which she is addressed.     

The new left and labor: The early years (1960–1963)

This article analyses the labour history of Italy's recruitment of workers for settlement in the Italian colony of Eritrea. The quest for full employment, both in Italy and within its nascent colonial ‘empire’, was the main driving force behind Italian colonialism in general. Italy's labour policy, which started to take shape in the 1890s, was never linear. Unlike the previous liberal Governments, the Fascist regime's policy was far more determined to use its colonies as places to settle the Italian peasant masses (the same that were migrating to the Americas for a better life, a trend which Fascist Italy considered humiliating to the mother country). In keeping with its vision of the colonies as a means to attain full employment, Fascist ideology characterised the Italian colonial empire as an ‘empire of labour’. In fact, the reality of the labour situation that Italian workers found themselves in after settling in Italy's African colonies would soon show the fallacy underlying Fascist colonial ideology.     

我国平台经济监管的理论逻辑与政策实践

理解我国平台经济监管政策和分析未来发展趋势，需要把握其内在的理论逻辑。研究认为，与 传统经济模式相比，平台经济的独特性使得原有监管制度面临巨大挑战，这是平台经济监管的经济逻辑。我国 进入构建新发展格局、努力实现经济社会高质量发展和全面提升政府治理能力的新阶段，完善平台经济监管也 有其制度逻辑。近年来我国在平台经济监管理念和政策措施创新方面都取得了积极进展，同时监管中也存在一 些亟待解决的问题。面向未来看，我国平台经济监管呈现出全链条化、法治化和常态化、多元主体协同、多种 技术手段支撑等发展趋势，加强以信用为基础的间接监管将成为我国构建长效化平台经济监管体系的重要任务。     

Navigating class power and inequalities: new deal liberals and the Los Angeles regional labor board, 1933-1934

ABSTRACT

This article examines how local state officials operated the Los Angeles Regional Labor Board, 1933-1934, a regional branch of the National Labor Board. Amid a surge in workers mobilizing strikes and organizing unions, which faced fierce business opposition in LA, one of the period’s most anti-union cities, local state officials discarded initial solutions to industrial conflict – solutions based on state paternalism and involved parties’ voluntary compliance – and proposed more robust state interventionist tools. Such efforts were to enhance state authority and power and forge greater class equality by accepting worker rights and limiting business prerogatives, while the officials also obsessively encouraged the economic ‘wheels be kept turning and the pulse quickened.’ Drawing on regional-based archives, we trace local officials navigating and shaping social relations, and investigate the unpredictable, everyday workings of local responses to national-level policy-making. Earlier scholarship on the period highlights the role of leaders, like FDR or Senator Wagner, or business elites crafting seemingly pro-working-class policy, alongside the accounts of structural political economy. We emphasize local state agencies tasked with policy implementation becoming sites of contention for class actors and state officials, reflecting more general patterns but also initiating institutional procedures with enduring implications for US capital-labor relations.

Abbreviations: LA: Los Angeles; NLB: National Labor Board; RLB: Regional Labor Board; NLRB: National Labor Relations Board; AFL: American Federation of Labor; LACC: Los Angeles Chamber of Commerce; M&M: Merchant and Manufacturers Association; NRA: National Recovery Administration     

The economic role of middle-class women in Victorian Glasgow

Abstract

It has long been recognised that working-class women in the nineteenth century participated in waged labour, albeit dependent on marital status, stage in family life cycle, and locality. Middle-class women's economic role has been less fully explored, although it has been acknowledged that they played an informal, ‘hidden’ role in the economy. This article examines the extent of middle-class women's economic activity and independence by looking in detail at a residential area of Glasgow in the period 1850-1914. The authors demonstrate that women could negotiate the parameters of a gendered and limited labour market, the legal constraints on their property rights, and social constraints on their economic freedom, in order to achieve considerable economic autonomy and influence     

Inequality,land reform and agricultural growth in China, 1952–55: A preliminary treatment

Although the Agrarian Reform Laws of the late 1940s were intended to preserve the rich peasant economy, Chinese land reform during 1947–52 was uneven in its spatial impact. In some areas, the reform was indeed a ‘wager on the strong’. But in others, land reform was more egalitarian, re‐distributing self‐cultivated land from rich peasants to the rural poor. New county‐level evidence suggests that this egalitarianism hampered the pace of agricultural growth in the years immediately prior to collectivisation.