Nancy Cunard's English Journey

This essay analyses Nancy Cunard's contribution to the struggle for racial justice in England and her work with the black communities in Liverpool and London (whose histories and experiences differ radically from their counterparts in the United States) in the 1940s. It chronicles for the first time her campaign to safeguard the African collections in the Liverpool Museum and her specific contribution to the archive of black British history. This includes not only the monumental the Negro Anthology (1934) but also the tract, The White Man's Duty (1943) arguing for an end to British imperialism and for race relations legislation. Cunard is situated within a history of the Communist left in Britain and the United States. Her insistence on the primacy of race differentiates her from other white left activists in her day for whom issues of gender and race were or secondary importance compared to those of class (Cunard, 1944). Using unpublished archive material from the Harry Ransom Center in Austin, Texas I show that Cunard's work constitutes one segment in the rich and varied mosaic of black cultural activity in the 1930s and 1940s and discuss how Cunard knew and worked alongside some of the key figures in the black British politics of her day including Una Marson, Learie Constantine, John Carter, Harold Moody, Rudolph Dunbar and Paul Robeson. A prolific writer, publisher and political activist, Cunard presented a white readership with documentation which prompted them to question their own prejudice and rendered problematic the imaging of black people as fixed embodiments of a Eurocentric sense of reality. Cunard's work in the 1930s and 1940s predates the sailing of the Empire Windrush and the accelerated immigration to Britain from the Commonwealth after the Nationality Act of 1948. It adds to our knowledge of earlier black history, narratives, settlements, and anti-racist struggles.     

‘Forgotten Female Soldiers in an Unknown Army’: German women working behind the lines, 1914–1918

Some 50,000 German women served behind the lines during the First World War, as nurses, war auxiliaries and in the civilian administrations of Belgium and Russian Poland. After the war only nurses had a place in the collective memory while the women who served in the women's war auxiliary service and those who worked within the occupied territories were forgotten. Although women's war auxiliaries were held in disrepute by some contemporaries, an exploration of the service reveals not only the high regard in which the majority of women and their work were held by their employers but also the class and generational prejudices of the upper- and upper-middle-class women running the service and the tensions in their relationships with the German women working within the civilian administrations, who displayed organisational flair and strong collegiality.     

中国共产党领导下的劳动关系治理百年历程 ——基于复杂系统视角的研究

归纳百年来中国共产党通过领导劳动关系治理促进经济崛起和社会稳定的"中国实践",提炼百年来中国共产党建立中国特色劳动关系系统的"中国智慧",总结百年来中国共产党领导下的中国特色劳动关系治理的"中国道路",能够更好地验证中国共产党为中国人民谋幸福的初心和使命.本研究基于复杂系统视角,回顾了中国共产党领导下的百年劳动关系系统...     

Promising alliances: the critical feminist theory of Nancy Fraser and Seyla Benhabib

This essay examines the work of Nancy Fraser and Seyla Benhabib, two philosophers who have demonstrated that feminist theorists can usefully draw upon both postmodernism and the critical theory tradition, with which Fraser and Benhabib are more clearly associated. I argue that each theorist claims the universal ideals and normative judgements of modernism, and the contextualism, particularity, and skepticism of postmodernism. I do this by revisiting each of their positions in the now well-known Feminist Contentions exchange, by examining the diverse ways in which they reconcile universalism and difference, and by exploring each theorist's critique of the Habermasian public sphere.     

公众参与最低工资标准调整的国际比较研究 ------ 以澳大利亚和美国为例

最低工资标准调整的核心问题之一是劳资双方利益的协调。从市场经济发达国家的实践来看， 公众的有效参与有助于科学调整最低工资标准，实现劳资共赢。本研究对澳大利亚和美国最低工资标准调整中 的公众参与模式进行了比较分析，基于参与式治理CLEAR模型，从公众参与我国最低工资标准调整的现状出发, 总结澳、美两国公众参与模式对我国的借鉴意义。研究建议，釆取加强工会建设、强化劳资双方参与意识、构 建有效的劳资双方参与方式、重视专家参与和推动良性互动等措施，促进公众参与最低工资标准调整。     

Feminist Recoveries in <Emphasis Type="Italic">My Father's House</Emphasis>

One of the achievements of feminist politics, in a range of disciplines and practices, has been to secure a hearing for traumatic narratives of incest. Recently, however, the debate in the public domain seems overwhelmed by what has come to be known as ‘the memory wars’. Fathers accused by adult daughters have dismissed the possibility that traumatic childhood memories can be recovered, largely on the grounds of science and reason. This response of accused fathers would seem to drive out other ways of reading and interpreting the traumatic histories of the cultures we inhabit. On the other hand, feminist responses to narratives of incest are complicated by the desire for appropriate endings. Taking Sylvia Fraser's autobiography, My Father's House: A Memoir of Incest and Healing (1989, 1992) as an exemplary text, this article explores the difficult implications for adult women who commit to literary writing their memories of incest. In particular, how can feminism respond to an incest survivor who wants to forgive her father?     

Apostolic Minds and the Spinning House: Jane Ellen Harrison and Virginia Woolf's Discourse of Alterity

Jane Ellen Harrison (1850–1928) and Virginia Woolf (1882–1941) are two of the most iconic figures in British feminist history whose enduring influence have helped create and sustain a multitude of feminist discourses. Interestingly, both produced their landmark feminist studies in Cambridge when it was, arguably, the most aggressively anti-feminist institution in Britain at that time. Evidence of the kind of institutionalized disciplinary control Cambridge historically exercised on women can be found in the three Committals books (1823–1894) of the Spinning House (1631–1894) in the University archives. So called because the inmates were given wool to spin, the Spinning House was a penitentiary for young girls who were judged to be compromising the morals of the undergraduates. The Spinning House had its basis in the legal authority of the University which declared ‘That the University by virtue of their Charter sanctioned by Act of Parliament, have an undoubted right to cause the Public Street to be inspected, and loose and disorderly women to be taken up and sent to the Spinning House or the house of correction’. Against the background of the culture encapsulated by the Spinning House, women academics, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, were making tremendous efforts to bring about intellectual equality. And though the two—the spinner and the woman student—occupied mutually exclusive spaces, they were nevertheless held on the margins of the power structure that produced both. This paper examines the socio-historical context and the puritan intellectual politics of Cambridge against which feminist theories of Harrison and Woolf were produced to identify some of the methods with which they negotiated masculine orthodoxy and structured their feminist discourse of alterity.     

Negotiating Female Morality: place,ideology and agency in the Red River Colony

By 1850 British women had settled in the Red River colony, a British outpost in what became the province of Manitoba, Canada, and where the Hudson’s Bay Company established fur trading posts. Through an analysis of documents concerning two unconnected lawsuits involving Countryborn women, it is possible to glean some understanding of how British women became agents of colonialism. Company authorities envisaged that White women would establish households predicated on Victorian patriarchal ideology that defined separate spheres for men and women. This article maps how White women stereotyped non‐White women as ‘Other,’ manipulated their symbolic role as mothers of the English nation, and used rumour to maintain a segregated settlement. It also explores the agency of these White women as they sought to establish a place for themselves through their struggles with one another, with First Nations and Countryborn women, as well as with the White men who ruled the colony.

The establishment at which we encamped last night, may be considered the boundary between the Civilized and Savage Worlds, as beyond this point, the country is uninhabited by Whites, except where a Trading Post of the Honourable Hudson’s Bay Company occasionally presents itself. ¹ [1] Hudson’s’ Bay Company Archives (HBCA) D6/4, Frances Simpson’s Journal, 5 May 1830. In 1830, Frances Ramsey Simpson was the eighteen‐year‐old English wife and first cousin of Sir George Simpson, the Governor of Rupert’s Land. View all notes     

Feminism,peace, and civil liberties: Women's role in the origins of the World War I civil liberties movement

Historians of the women's movement in the World War I era tend, understandably, to concentrate on the final heroic chapter of the suffrage campaign. Since the majority of suffragists followed their leader, Carrie Chapman Catt, into the war effort after April 6, 1917, suffragist‐feminist patriotism is a dominant theme. Recently historians have begun to chronicle women's pre‐war and wartime peace work, particularly through the aegis of the Woman's Peace Party, founded in early 1915.¹ Women's civil liberties activism during the war and in the Red Scare aftermath is still uncharted terrain. There is, to date, little appreciation of the way the World War I era experience in the United States influenced a small but determined and articulate number of left‐wing feminists to become civil‐libertarian activists. In this article I examine women's involvement in several important civil liberties organizations and argue that the convictions and activities of women not only helped to shape the agenda of the burgeoning civil liberties movement but also to influence federal public policy, particularly with respect to treatment of conscientious objectors, political prisoners, and “enemy aliens.” I also suggest that some feminists involved in both antiwar and civil liberties work during the war era came to see how militarism, war, and misogyny are related in western society, an insight which informed the thought and activities of the post‐war women's peace movement.     

"The Full Fruits of Our Labor": The Rebirth of the Living Wage Movement

A detailed report by the Women's Educational and Industrial Union of Boston in 1998 revealed that many workers were earning hourly wages far below a "living wage." Employing what they called the "self-sufficiency standard," the activists succeeded in pushing the Boston City Council to pass a living wage ordinance. What many living wage activists did not realize is that this was not the first time the Women's Educational and Industrial Union had been involved in a campaign for living wages. In 1911, the organization released another report, profiling the incomes and expenditures of 450 women workers in Boston. The following year, Massachusetts became the first state to pass a minimum wage law. This is just one example of the many links between the current campaign for living wages and struggles from the past. Labor historians and today's activists have much to learn from one another in this fight for living wages that has been a mainstay of the U.S. labor movement.     

engendering ‘race’ in calls for diasporic community in Sweden

The Asian Debt Crisis of 1997–2001 led to drastically higher levels of unemployment, resulting in enormous social anxiety and shock. For the first time in its history, South Korea's attention was forcibly drawn to homeless people. Both the new government of the first civilian president, Kim Dae Jung, and an emerging civil society began to pay unprecedented attention to homeless issues. In this new context, homelessness was constructed as a product of the economic crisis. However, although certain homeless men who fit the category of employability and rehabilitation were considered ‘deserving’, long-term street living people and homeless women were disregarded and further marginalized through specific gendered processes. In particular, homeless women were rendered invisible and considered ‘undeserving’ because they fell outside of normative gender expectations, including the idea that a woman's place was in the home, regardless of their ability or desire to work. Building upon ‘needs-talk’ analysis created by Nancy Fraser, this paper exposes the important role of gender norms in the making of a neoliberal welfare citizenship in South Korea, by arguing that the narratives of homeless policy administrators and shelter managers designated homeless women as ‘undeserving’ welfare citizens.     

Behind the burka

After the horrendous events of 11 September 2001, when the World Trade Center in New York was destroyed by terrorists, a war against terrorism was declared by the American President, George W. Bush, who is building an international coalition to focus on this issue. In particular, the key man thought to be the mastermind behind the terrorist attacks, Osama bin Laden, is believed to be hiding somewhere in Afghanistan. Attempts are being made to bring him to justice. This article, which first appeared in The Guardian on 28 February 2001, considers the plight of the Afghan women who, it is argued, are oppressed by the ruling Taliban regime and by the opposition grouping the Northern Alliance, which may become American's ally and form a new government. It is suggested that it is imperative for a human rights contract to be drawn up, which the Alliance leaders should sign, which would include equality for women.     

Against fascism,for racial equality: communists,anti-racism and the road to the Second World War in Australia,South Africa and the United States

The Second World War (after June 1941) was a high point for the international communist movement with the Popular Front against fascism bringing many new people into Communist Parties in the global West. In the United States, South Africa and Australia, the Communist Party supported the war effort believing that the war against fascism would eventually become a war against imperialism and capitalism. Part of this support for the war effort was the support of black and indigenous soldiers in the armed forces. This activism fit into a wider tradition of these communist parties’ anti-racist campaigning that had existed since the 1920s. This article looks at how support for the national war effort and anti-racist activism intertwined for these CPs during the war and the problems over ‘loyalty’ and commitment to the anti-imperial struggle that this entanglement of aims produced.     

Race,Class, Space,and Memory at Wo-Chi-Ca: A Look at Radical Leftist Summer Camping

Summer camping is a common experience for many young people in the United States. From the 1920s–1950s many young people, both Black and White attended summer residential camps together. These leftist interracial camps flourished in the eastern part of the United States, with support from labor unions and the communist party. Eventually, social pressure and the red scare closed most of these camps. This historical case study describes the history and practice of one of these camps, Wo-Chi-Ca in New York. Bringing together primary data, interview data of past residents and staff, and secondary data about the camp, this study describes how the camps were created, what it was like to attend the camps, and the social and economic forces that eventually led to their closure.     

中美贸易摩擦对就业的影响及对策

在"美国优先"的指导思想下,美国特朗普政府对中国意图进行贸易战,借此振兴美国制造业,为底层劳动者创造更多就业岗位。贸易战争背后其实是就业战争。对中国来说,由于对美贸易依赖性较大,因而有可能对国内就业产生比较明显的就业冲击。极端情况下,将会使我国就业岗位减少350-580万个。因此,通过谈判协商是解决贸易争端的最佳策略。而进一步扩大实施"一带一路"发展战略,减少对少数国家贸易依赖,以及加快推进创新驱动战略,将有助于减轻贸易战对我国就业的影响。     

管理者调动职工积极性的有效招法

党的十七大报告指出,要推动社会主义文化大发展大繁荣,必须加强和谐文化建设,这是全体人民团结进步的重要精神支柱.加强和谐文化建设,调动职工工作积极性,要求管理者要扎实地运用"南风"效应、自尊效应、"自己人"效应、关怀效应、感恩效应法,即所谓的"软"工作方法来满足职工的情感需求,这是管理者工作取胜的关键,也是一个单位发展的金钥匙.     

农民工维权:构建和谐社会的重大课题

“农民工”是中国特定的体制下对进城务工农民身份的一种描述。虽然农民对中国的改革与发展事业做出了巨大的贡献,“已成为我国产业工人的重要组成部分”,但长期以来,农民工仍是城市的边缘人,在城市里处处受歧视,合法权利得不到保障。农民工权利的缺失是产生农民工问题的直接原因,它不仅造成了农民工社会地位低下、进城就业难度加大、生活和工作条件恶劣、逆反心理和对立情绪加剧,而且阻碍了农村剩余劳动力的正常转移,延缓了城市化进程,甚至容易引发城乡矛盾,削弱工农联盟,严重影响了社会和谐。因此在构建和谐社会的进程中必须认真研究农民工问题,切实维护农民工权利。     

Darning,Doylies and Dancing: the work of the Leeds Association of Girls' Clubs (1904–1913)

The Leeds Association of Girls' Clubs (LAGC) was set up by a group of women, including Hilda Hargrove, Dr Lucy Buckley and Mary and Margaret Harvey, to promote collaboration between the city's girls' clubs. The organisation epitomised women working in partnership whilst reflecting their differing philanthropic and political interests. However LAGC's collaborative approach resulted in liberal consensus which downplayed the significance of girls' working conditions. Throughout the decade LAGC's focus was its annual competitions. These featured utilitarian and decorative handicrafts (darning and doylies) enshrining both frugality and aspiration, alongside dance and drill which channelled girls' vigour. Nevertheless, LAGC's resilience resulted in an organisation which is still in existence.     

Refugee women in Serbia – invisible victims of war in the former Yugoslavia

In this paper, I explore the experiences of women who found refuge in Serbia during the war in the former Yugoslavia. I look at the women's experiences of both leaving home and coping with everyday life in refuge. The exploration of refugee women's experiences is mainly based on analyses of their own stories, which I collected while researching women and war. In spite of all the hardship of their lives, refugee women who fled to Serbia have been treated by Western media, the public and aid organizations as ‘UNPEOPLE’ or as non-existent. Making their experiences visible as women, refugees and citizens is the main purpose of this article.