The Discourse and Experience of the Arabian Mission's Medical Missionaries: Part II 1939–60

In 1889 the pioneers of the Arabian Mission – a mission under direction of the Reformed Church in America – arrived in Arabia with the aim of Christianizing Muslims of the Najd and Arabian Peninsula. By the turn of the century, the missionaries were using medical knowledge and service as an interface for dialogue and evangelism. This article‘s aim is two-fold. First, it examines the history of the Arabian Mission and the history of medicine in the Gulf. Second, it explores the impact of the Americans on the Muslim communities from 1920 to 1960. To do so, it explores the experience of missionaries as well as the discourses missionaries constructed about Arabs and Arabia. It examines how the missionaries transcend the label of cultural imperialist, and how both the function and language of the missionaries evolved as oil wealth transformed the Gulf nations of Bahrain and Kuwait. This article, exploring the impact of the Arabian Mission from the late 1930s through 1960, continues the discussion published in the preceding issue of Middle Eastern Studies.     

Saudi Arabia's rapprochement with Israel: the national security imperatives

The purpose of this article is to examine the evolution of Israel's relations with Saudi Arabia since the establishment of the Jewish state in 1948. The author explains how the major events in the Middle East affected Saudi Arabia's foreign policy orientation. It shows how Saudi Arabia's policy toward Israel was affected by the deterioration in Saudi-Egyptian relations, by its quest for security in the Arabian Gulf region and by its aspiration to hegemony in the Middle East. The author argues that Saudi Arabia's policy toward Israel remained far less hostile than that of the Arab states surrounding Israel. In addition, it argues that it was not until 1973 that Saudi Arabia became seriously involved in the attempt to pressure Israel to withdraw from the territories it occupied in the Six-Day War. The author concludes by showing that neither Saudi Arabia's acquisition of the intelligence-gathering AWACS aircraft, nor Israel's invasion of Lebanon or the massacre of Palestinians in the refugee camps of Sabra and Shatila had a serious impact on the bilateral relations, and that it was not until the emergence of the Iranian nuclear threat that Saudi Arabia's relations with Israel began to improve.     

The United Arab Emirates: economic vibrancy and US interests

Based in Tucson, Arizona, Dr J. E. Peterson is a historian and political scientist specializing in the Arabian Peninsula and Gulf. He received his PhD from the Johns Hopkins University and has taught at several academic institutions in the USA and worked for the US government and various research institutes. Until 1999, he served as the Historian of the Sultan's Armed Forces in the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister for Security and Defence in Muscat, Sultanate of Oman, and he spent 2000–2001 at the International Institute for Strategic Studies in London. His books include The Arab Gulf States: Steps Toward Political Participation (Praeger, for the Center for Strategic and International Studies, 1988), Historical Dictionary of Saudi Arabia (Scarecrow Press, 1993; 2^nd ed. Scarecrow Press, 2003) and Defending Oman: A History of the Sultan's Armed Forces (forthcoming). He has written an Adelphi Paper, Saudi Arabia and the Illusion of Security (2002). His articles on ‘Saudi-American Relations after September 11’ and ‘Bahrain's First Steps Towards Reform Under Amir Hamad’ appeared in recent issues of Asian Affairs. Dr Peterson's website is www.JEPeterson.net     

Our Ancestors,Our Heroes: Saudi Tribal Campaigns to Suppress Historical Docudramas

Scholars of Arab media have explored key aspects of Gulf-Levant media integration in the wake of the privatisation of Arab media over the past several decades. Their studies tend to characterise the controversies that arise from this integration in terms of the relative influence of Islamist or religious values on producers and consumers. Yet behind these Gulf-Levant tensions, this article will argue, there is also a different cultural logic at work, one that engages other dimensions of culture apart from the religious, and concerns the relationship between documentation and authority in a once predominantly nomadic society. This logic was brought to the fore over the Syrian-produced, Gulf-financed Ramadan television series, Finjān al-Damm (‘Cup of Blood’). The Finjān al-Damm controversy speaks to a number of concerns that are crucial for understanding social and political life in the Arabian Peninsula today. These include the nature of censorship in Saudi Arabia, the nature of citizen activism in Saudi Arabia and other Gulf monarchies, and the Saudi state's attitude towards tribalism. Underlying these concerns, the Finjān al-Damm story underscores a new consciousness about the relationship between documentation and authority in societies transitioning from predominantly oral to textual cultures.     

A project of destruction,peace, or techno-science? Untangling the relationship between the Southeastern Anatolia Project (GAP) and the Kurdish question in Turkey

The Southeastern Anatolia Project (Güneydo?u Anadolu Projesi, GAP) was initiated in the 1970s to produce energy and irrigate arid lands through constructing dams and hydroelectric power plants on the Euphrates and Tigris rivers and extensive irrigation networks in southeastern Turkey. Over time, the project was expanded to achieve a wider range of goals in different fields and radically transform Southeastern Anatolia Region. It is also widely claimed that GAP was initiated to address the root causes of the Kurdish question in Turkey and that security considerations and political calculations were actually the raison d’être of GAP. However, this supposed link between GAP and the Kurdish question was often established in a simplistic manner and the question how these two have been related – or not – remained largely untangled. This article aims to fill this research gap and examine the complex and multi-dimensional nature of the interrelationship between GAP and the Kurdish question based on diverse primary and secondary data sources. Accordingly, the article identifies and discusses major narratives in which GAP was conceived as a political and strategic ‘anti-Kurdish’ plot; remedy for the conflict; and totally technical non-political project and presents an alternative and more accurate perspective on how to interpret this relationship.     

Book Review Essays

Books reviewed in this article: Milton Viorst, What Shall I Do With This People? Jews and the Fractious Politics of Judaism Daryl Champion, The Paradoxical Kingdom: Saudi Arabia and the Momentum of Reform Simon Henderson, The New Pillar: Conservative Arab Gulf States and U.S. Strategy Akbar S. Ahmed, Islam Under Siege: Living Dangerously in a Post‐honor World Nathan J. Brown, Palestinian Politics After the Oslo Accords     

State,Society and Markets in Argentina: The Political Economy of Neodesarrollismo under Néstor Kirchner, 2003–2007

The national Peronist social contract in Argentina has a long history rooted in syndicalism and populism. However, Menemismo in the 1990s, El Argentinazo in December 2001, and Kirchnerismo post crisis have all served to change the fundamental framework of the Argentine economy, the social underpinnings of that economy and how it intersects with global capital. This article is an attempt to identify the nature of Kirchner's administration through analysis of political economy, therefore seeking to facilitate a deeper understanding of the developmental nature and impact of the Kirchner administration of 2003–2007.     

The political economy of capital flows and capital controls in Malaysia

This paper explains the neo-liberal reform measures – foreign direct investment (FDI) policies, financialisation and labour market reform – of the Korean economy following the 1998 economic crisis. It investigates how they have influenced a process identified as the bipolarisation of Korea. Although the increase in FDI inflows has contributed to the economy by overcoming balance of payments difficulties, it has led to increased income inequality. As a result of labour market reforms that targeted labour market flexibility, the number of non-regular/non-standard and part-time workers has increased significantly over the past decade. Labour market reform and financialisation aggravated the bipolarisation.     

Who represented the Israeli middle class? The crystallization of the General Zionists from 1948 to 1949

The establishment of the State of Israel was a watershed moment in the history of the General Zionists movement. The ending of the British Mandate – characterized by its responsiveness to private enterprise – symbolized the denouement of a regulatory strategy era as an exclusive modus operandi for the general organizations. The transfer of power to a participatory Jewish democracy, whereby independent institutions drew on electoral support, required that bourgeois and petit-bourgeois leaders relinquish their reservations about the political-partisan game. For the first time, they sought to gain ascendancy over a political party in the hope that it would stand up for the rights and interests of the middle class. This article will analyze the formation process of the center party and its attempt to become a significant factor in Israeli society.     

Temporary Transnationals: Southeast Asian Students in Australia

Despite rapidly increasing global flows of international students, research to date has paid little heed to how students abroad identify and mobilise. Focusing on the experience of Indonesians, Malaysians and Singaporeans in Australia – a primary hub for international education – we explore the ways in which our informants understand their place and potential as students. We find international students to comprise a distinct sort of diaspora. With their liminal status, these – for the most part – only temporary transnationals do internalise new norms and agency in a personal sense. However, they tend to identify increasingly as national citizens and to be disinclined to mobilise politically, at least during the course of their studies. These findings add to our understanding both of collective identity and action among students, and of the broader implications of globalisation and internationalisation for social and political activism.     

‘Fadaeeyan-i Islam’: the prototype of Islamic hard-liners in Iran

The voyages of the HMS Doris along the Mediterranean coast near Alexandretta (modern Iskenderun, Turkey) in the winter of 1914–15 had a dramatic effect on the Ottoman Empire that far exceeded the scope of the operations. This article uses British, German, and Turkish archival sources to focus on the ship's operations in the vicinity of Dörtyol and on the strategic impact these had on Ottoman perceptions of threats to the empire. The Doris figures prominently in two critical strategic outcomes – the relocation of the Armenians in 1915 and in the activation of three Ottoman army divisions for coastal defence and internal security.     

‘The Bedoun’: Kuwaitis without an Identity

The Bedoun (stateless/without nationality) in Kuwait constitute a controversial concurrent social, political and legal issue, which was and still is the subject of heated political debate, a vivid example of social conflict, and a platform of extensive legal deliberation concerning its thorny dimensions. The problem of Bedoun is not only politically and socially complex, but it has its problematic legal dimensions, which have made it, since the 1950s, a complex and chronic problem. The recent growing interest in addressing the issue and the extensive strife to determine its degree of complexity and entanglement could be ascribed to the margin of freedom enjoyed in Kuwait more than the rest of the Arabian Gulf states, since active social and political participation constitute the pillars of the democratic system in Kuwait, in light of the growing political and media freedoms and the focus on the Bedoun as a marginalized community legally, politically and socially. Therefore, the current problem of Bedoun constitutes the strongest internal concern for the Kuwaiti authorities and people after the external threats, especially because it has always been ignored or treated as a security issue at times. This study seeks to shed light on the issue of Bedoun to decipher its causes and its historical development until it became a pressing issue at government and community levels in the State of Kuwait. The study will avoid the complex legal and social complexities of the issue     

The political aspirations of Indian Muslims and the Ottoman nexus

This article introduces the story of Yusuf al-Marzuk (1895–1957), a Kuwaiti merchant who created a thriving network in the Arabian/Persian Gulf and India. This network was part of the vast, undocumented activities of Kuwaiti merchants. They were uncovered by rare British reports. Yusuf's economic power enabled him to participate in the struggle of Kuwaiti elites to achieve political power vis-à-vis the Kuwaiti rulers, the Sabah family. This article demonstrates the importance of the trading networks with respect to the economic and political developments that shaped the region before the relatively well researched oil period.     

Akhund Khurasani and the Iranian Constitutional Movement

During the last 15 years several important sources have been published allowing the appraisal of the role of ulema during the Iranian constitutional movement (1906–11) and thus opening new lines of research. The 2006–7 edition compiled by Muhsin Kadivar from several unknown documents written by Akhund Muhammad Kazim Khurasani (d. 1330/1911) make it possible to measure his importance and his impact on the evolution of the events as well as his ideological influence. The usuli rationalist jurist Akhund Khurasani was considered at the beginning of the constitutional movement as one of the principal mujtahid and marja’-i taqlid of the Shiite world, and was possibly the best-known. After introducing the life and work of Akhund Khurasani and the theoretical principles (nazari) that he uses to define the constitutional movement, the main topics that arise in the study of this literature are identified. Particular attention is paid to his position as a rallying point and legitimizing force, his enthusiasm for an ambitious progressive policy, his intricate relations with western powers and his links with the Qajar.     

Religious Geopolitics of Palestinian Christianity: Palestinian Christian Zionists,Palestinian Liberation Theologists,and American Missions to Palestine

The introduction of Protestantism into the Middle East by American missionaries in the nineteenth century met with limited success while the responses and internalizations of local converts proved incredibly diverse. The two resultant theological descendants are Palestinian Christian Zionists and Palestinian Liberation Theologists. The article provides a short history of these two movements and highlights influential voices through interviews and media analysis. This article argues that hybrid religious identifications with nation and place has transcended, in some cases, political struggle for territory.     

Historia patria and the construction of the mestizo nation in Porfirian Mexico: the Fiestas del Centenario, 1910

Abstract

My contribution to the Special Edition seeks to examine two key aspects of the ideological underpinnings and cultural presumptions of the liberal project of state- and nation-building as interpreted by the elective dictatorship of Porfirio Díaz in Mexico (1876–80, 1884–1911), and its specific manifestation in the commemorative Fiestas del Centenario – the official celebration of the first centenary of Mexican independence from Spain – in September 1910. The article focuses, first, on the manifestation of a triumphalist liberal version of historia patria, and, second, on the projection of a distinct mestizo identity for Mexico’s ethnically diverse citizenship as key components in the construction of Mexican national identity.     

Institutionalising Chineseness: Legacies of Chinese Commercial Hegemony in the Cambodian Silk Industry

The Cambodian silk weaving industry shows a remarkable pattern of ethnicised positions interlocked in processes of production and trade stretching beyond Cambodia into the Southeast Asian region and into Europe and the United States. Key commercial positions in the Cambodian silk trading networks are dominated by the Chinese, at least so it seems. In contrast to the bulk of literature on Chinese capitalism, the current study addresses a situation in which the commercial positions are identified as Chinese regardless of the ethnic background of the people who occupy them. While subscribing to the institutional perspective on Chinese capitalism, this article aims to take the debate one step further by arguing that – while a particular institutional embedding is conducive to Chinese proliferation in the business sector – Chinese business practices and representations are themselves subject to processes of institutionalisation. The paper explains how they may develop into an institution that is both a model of and for conducting business.     

Oil Funds: Perils and Opportunities

Soaring oil prices since the early 2000s has led to a historic transformation of wealth from consuming regions to major oil exporters. In recent years many of these exporters have set up oil funds to utilize their massive and growing oil revenues. These funds are divided into two categories – stabilization and saving funds. Their large investments in Western markets have raised concern that they might be driven by political and strategic interests rather than commercial concerns. This study examines oil funds in the Persian Gulf. It discusses US and European proposals to regulate oil fund investments and argue against excessive regulation.     

The Nature and Resource Field of the Kurdish Resistance in Turkey: A Dormant Resource

Saudi Arabia is A.M. Vasil'yev's Istoriya Saudovskoy Aravii (1745–1973), History of Saudi Arabia, 1745–1973 (Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Orientalism of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1982; 613 pp.)

Puritanye Islama? Vahhabizm i pyervoye gosudarstvo Sauditov v Aravii (1744/45–1818), The Puritans of Islam? Wahhabism and the First Government of the Saudis in Arabia, 1744/45 to 1818 (Moscow, Nauka Press, 1967; 264 pp.).

I.I. Proshin's Saudovskaya Araviya. Istoriko‐Ekonomichyeskiy ochyerk, Saudi Arabia: An Historical‐Economic Essay (Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of the Peoples of Asia of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1964; 303 pp.)

V.V. Ozoling's Ekonomika Saudovskoy Aravii, The Economy of Saudi Arabia (Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Orientalism of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1975; 208 pp.)

V.L. Bodyanskiy and M.S. Lazaryev's Saudovskaya Araviya poslyeSauda. Osnovniye tyendyentsii vnyeshneypolitiki (1964–1966 gg.), Saudi Arabia After Saud: Basic Tendencies of Foreign Policies, 1964–66 (Moscow, Nauka Press, 1967; 116 pp.)

L.V. Val'kova's Saudovskaya Araviya v myedzhunarodnikh otnoshyeniyakh,Saudi Arabia in International Relations (Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Orientalism of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1979; 224 pp.)

O. Gyerasimov's Saudovskaya Araviya, Saudi Arabia (Mos cow, Misl’ Press, 1977; 72 pp.) and Saudovskaya Araviya (Spravochnik), Saudi Arabia; A Handbook (Moscow, Nauka Press, 1980; 272 pp.)

Yakub Yusef Abdallah's Obyedinyenniye Arabskiye Emirati: Istoriya politiko‐gosudarstvyennogo razvitiya (xix v.‐nachalo 70‐ye godov xx v.), The United Arab Emirates: The History of Political‐Governmental Development (19th century to the early 1970s) (Moscow, Nauka Press for the Lumumba University, 1978; 152 pp.)

R.V. Klyekovskiy and V.A. Lutskyevich, is entitled Obyedinyenniye Arabskiye Emirati, The United Arab Emirates (Moscow, Misl’ Press, 1979; 159 pp.

‘Socio‐Economic Problems of Developing Countries’, which also includes a book by L. Zvyeryeva, entitled Kuveyt, Kuwait (Moscow, Misl’ Press, 1964; 112 pp.)

V.L. Bodyanskiy's Sovryemyenniy Kuveyt (spravochnik), Contemporary Kuwait: A Handbook (Moscow, Nauka Press for the Institute of Orientalism of the Academy of Sciences of the Soviet Union, 1971; 328 pp.)     

Cracking Hegemony in Thailand: Gramsci,Bourdieu and the Dialectics of Rebellion

Gramsci's notion of “hegemony,” like Bourdieu's concept of “habitus,” seems designed to explain accommodation to existing social structures, rather than resistance. In this paper, however, I draw from the Prison Notebooks some arguments that contribute to a Gramscian understanding of how hegemony may break apart under the weight of the same uneven development processes central to hegemony. Drawing also from Bourdieu, I argue that the conceptions of “hegemony” and “habitus” inscribe the possibility of resistance within the embodied experience of accommodation to class rule. I then elaborate a dialectical, Gramscian-Bourdieusian account of the Red Shirt movement in Thailand, showing that the seeds for the destruction of royalist hegemony in Thailand have been sown in the embodied processes of accommodation to ruling class hegemony. The breadth and depth of challenges to this hegemony, moreover, are evident not only from the activities of the Red Shirt movement and regional discontent in Northern and Northeast Thailand but from the resistance of working class women to attempts to police their sexuality and limit their consumerism. The refusal of Thai elites to accept the breadth and depth of Thailand's dispositional transformation has legitimised – in their eyes – the brutal crackdown on Red Shirt protestors that resulted in the April-May 2010 massacres. Yet repression can only kill off political leaders and specific parties; it will not likely derail the growing resentment of ordinary Thais over elitist class rule.