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More economists have been involved in Middle Eastern studies during the last twenty‐five years than ever before, and economists from the region itself now rightly play a dominant role. Inevitably amongst economists there have been disagreements and different schools of thought, especially over the role of the state and the desirability of privatization and structural adjustment policies. There have also been different definitions of rentier states, and contrasting analysis of the dynamics of oil pricing and the effects of oil revenue. Much attention has been paid to regional economic integration issues, even though little has been achieved in that field. There is increasing interest in external trade and investment issues, but in a region where poverty persists, economists should perhaps focus more on the basic needs of the poor which are not being met. Applied microeconomic studies should be given greater priority, as macroeconomic issues have been exhaustively covered and debated.  相似文献   

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Institutions cannot be understood without exploring the actors who occupy them, while actors cannot be understood without examining the institutions they inhabit. Ultimately, the actions of both institutions and actors cannot be understood separate to the political, social and economic context within which they are located. Tony Blair, rightly cited as an example of a powerful prime minister, does not have a monopoly of power, but he does have an extensive authority. The prime minister requires two things to operate effectively within Whitehall and Westminster: first, power over their parliamentary majority; and second, power within the government they lead. Because this power is contested and challenged, the age-old question, the actual degree of collegiality within government, is as central to contemporary debates about the working of the core executive as to the ancient debate about prime ministerial versus cabinet government. The prime minister is therefore best modelled as a strong, but sometimes weak, parliamentary chief executive.  相似文献   

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《Journal of Baltic studies》2012,43(3-4):251-256
Summary

Work in the Baltic area is not easy and will not become so in the near future for the following reasons:
  • 1. One has to command a number of languages.

  • 2. The number of scholars interested in the Baltic is not great, and they are widely dispersed. Hence, cooperation is impeded.

  • 3. A student or scholar must become a Baltic specialist in terms of some other academic discipline.

  • 4. Materials needed for studying the Baltic at a distance are scarce and dispersed. Even the best library holdings are not extensive, and existing collections are all too often not catalogued.

There are, however, positive aspects:
  • 1. One can go to the area for short-term visits with an idea of gaining insight into the locality and establishing personal contacts with resident scholars.

  • 2. Funds, while not ample, are no more restricted than in other academic enterprises. In some respects, money is the most available resource.

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Former Foreign Secretary Jack Straw draws on his experience and Britain's colonial legacy to argue that while the United Kingdom needs to recognise the effects of past policy and how it is perceived in the Middle East, the UK should not be a prisoner of its legacies from the past. In this annual address to the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies (BRISMES) he argues that knowledge should be used to create in-depth understanding that in turn should be built on to create more enduring foreign policy goals. He puts forward a coherent case for a more positive and comprehensive relationship with Iran and Turkey as potential allies in building more stable and yet also more democratic and accountable governments throughout the Middle East. Jack Straw argues that the UK is better placed than many to learn from past mistakes and create more robust strategic goals for the future.  相似文献   

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