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The state-led-economy provisions in the U.S. model BIT, which was released in April 2012, aims to impose strict regulations on the SOEs and exert great influence on state-led economy model. China and the U.S. are now in the midst of negotiating a BIT, and the U.S. government insists on negotiating on the basis of its 2012 model BIT. If China is to accept the 2012 U.S. model for the proposed BIT between the two nations, unprecedented international obligations will be placed in the field of international investment. In this context, in order to provide a reference for the BIT negotiation, the author will analyze, from the perspective of normative jurisprudence, which economic activities are included in the scope of state-led economy provisions, whether China should accept the clauses and the possible impact of accepting it. China’s economy has indivisible relationship with State-owned enterprises (SOEs). At present, most of these SOEs have clustered in those sectors that play crucial roles in the national economy such as energy, telecommunication and finances. Despite several rounds of reform on the SOEs aiming at a separation of governmental functions from corporate management, and a modern market-oriented governance structure, Chinese SOEs remain monopolies or de facto monopolies with exclusive access to many important industries relevant to national economy and people’s livelihood. Further, SOEs can enjoy a lot of privileges in their operation, some even have certain regulatory authority which is supposed to be exercised by the government. This kind of economic model is called State-led economy. The 2012 U.S. model for bilateral investment treaties (BIT) is characterized by the inclusion of the state-led economy provisions, which means that there are more restrictive regulations governing SOEs and their special treatment, and countervailing their competition implication in the host country and their home country. Apart from creating a fair and impartial environment for the investors, this international investment regime, represented by 2012 U.S. BIT model, is in some way, intended to alter the host country’s economic governance regime. In accordance with the decision of the 5th round of the U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue, both parties are dedicated to proceeding the BIT negotiations (The 5th Round of the U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue: broad consensus achieved and positive progress made, People’s Daily, p 3, 2013). The U.S. government has insisted that they would base its 2012 model as a blueprint of BIT text negotiation. Seemingly to illustrate, the 6th round of the U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue has reached a consensus that an earlier launch of negotiation on the negative list will be expected in 2015 (The 6th Round of the U.S.–China Strategic and Economic Dialogue: broad consensus achieved and positive progress made, People’s Daily, p 3, 2014; Ministry of Commerce of the People’s Republic of China, The 14th Round of the U.S.–China Investment Treaty Negotiation is Held in Washington, D.C., 2014). If China is to accept the new BIT model, it will bring China a bundle of increasing obligations under this system and an unprecedented impact on China’s mode for economic development. As a contracting party, China will have to carry out a comprehensively economic reform to comply with the disciplines specified in the BIT. It is also understandable that the incorporation of the state-led economy provision in the China–U.S. BIT will in turn accelerate the domestic economic reforms. In this context, research on the issue of state-led economy in the BIT negotiation will be of significance to China’s dealing with the core issue in the BIT, China’s fulfillment of treaty obligations and its promotion of domestic economic reform via BIT negotiations. In order to provide a reference for the BIT negotiation, the author will identify from the perspective of normative jurisprudence, the economic activities that fall within the scope of state-led economy provisions, project the possible impact of state-led economy provisions and how China should handle negotiation surrounding the state-led economy issue.

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In this paper we draw on interviews with 15 law students at the University of Birmingham in the UK to explore the extent to which law students critically self-evaluate themselves against their perceptions of the preferences of elite law firms. While our conclusions are necessarily tentative, we show how some law students “opt out” of applying to certain law firms where they perceive there is no fit between themselves and that law firm. Equally, our data also shows that some students recognise that, despite not having a supplementary fit with a firm (i.e. they can see that they do not “match” that firm’s current crop of lawyers or what they think is the firm’s culture), they realise that they can instead be a complementary fit for the firm, and hence realise that their potential to add something “new” to the law firm (by way of increasing diversity) can secure them a vacation scheme placement or a training contract. Finally, a proportion of students play “the numbers game” and despite determining a law firm “misfit”, still proceed to apply to as many law firms as possible as they thought that more applications meant a higher chance of success.  相似文献   

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After the Cold War and the quick development of globalization, non-state acts by international organizations, transnational corporations and nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), etc., are becoming more active. Global issues with regard to, inter alia, environment, human rights, terrorism are constantly emerging, which bring great challenge to the Westphalia System that is based on state sovereignty and centered on the national state. At the same time, the values, which include “individualism” and “global justice,” are constantly casting impact on international legal system. Doubtlessly, in the current context of international relations, “justice among states” is still the reasonable positioning of the value of modern international law. However, making “individualism” and “global justice” compatible and modifying “justice among states” is an inevitable trend. At the same time, the rule brought about by the modification on the value of justice must be handled properly.  相似文献   

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This article looks at the violent coup in Fiji in 2000 led by George Speight in which the multiracial Government of Mahendra Chaudhary was overthrown. The article gives an insider's account of a subsequent criminal trial of some senior political figures who had supported Speight, including the Vice-President of Fiji. They were charged with taking treasonous oaths of office to serve in a rebel Government under Speight at a time when the legitimate Head of State, President Ratu Sir Kamasisi Mara, was struggling to prevent the nation from descending into total chaos and anarchy. The article considers how the trial had important ramifications for the rule of law in this developing south Pacific nation.  相似文献   

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China has thoroughly amended its corporate law and hastens to formulate an anti-monopoly law. To rebound then deny the planned economy once adopted, China firmly practices marketization reform. However, common-recognized rules haven t taken shape without sufficient gaming and, lots of quick introduced legislations are only superficial provisions. As the trend of corporate legal system in developed countries, freedom and responsibility are the two contraries but not contradictory directions during the recent reform of China s corporate law. One is deregulation, e.g., introducing one-person company and the transition from approval system to registration system for the establishment of a company; while the other is adding various provisions of responsibility and liability to the Company Law for controlling shareholders, actual controllers, directors, supervisors and top managers. The Anti-Unfair Competition Law of China not only prescribes unfair competition but also counters monopoly. In general, it mainly focuses on anti-monopoly provisions, to popularize the concept and value of free market, making systematic regulations on any kinds of monopoly. This article reviews its background, process, meaning as well as the problems encountered. As there remains somewhat a mystery that China rapidly develops, it may also reflect a fringe of the reason.  相似文献   

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This paper analyzes the export growth of China??s information communication technology (ICT) products in two major markets Japan and the US from 1995 to 2008 and its competition with six East Asian countries: Indonesia, Malaysia, Philippines, Thailand, Singapore and Korea. The analysis shows that China has emerged as the largest single supplier of ICT products to both markets. By 2008, China??s exports accounted for 44 and 38% of total Japanese and the US ICT imports respectively. On the other hand, market shares of the six East Asian countries either remained stagnant or decreased substantially. The analysis by destination markets and by product categories indicates that, there exist significant negative correlations between market shares of China and that of the six East Asian countries, implying that the rapid expansion of China??s ICT exports crowded out exports of its East Asian competitors.  相似文献   

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Becoming a member of the WTO in 2001 was a historic event of great significance during the process of China’s reform and opening up. Since then, China has steadily pushed forward the reform and opening up policy, proactively seizing the opportunities of economic globalization and positively utilizing the multilateral trading system to develop economic and trade relations with other countries, all of which have contributed to the great economic and social achievements during the first decade of 21st century. However, there are different opinions on China’s futuristic role in the WTO, and those disagreements resulting from various interest preferences are not only one-sided and limited, but also triggering off the discussions on the criteria to assess China’s performance in the WTO. This article argues that China’s activities in the WTO (i.e., implementing WTO commitments, participating in the Doha Round negotiation, the dispute settlement and trade policy review) should be a kind of assessment criteria. Based on comprehensive observation of China’s performance in the WTO, it is concluded in this article that China’s participation in the WTO system and global trade governance extends the scope of world trade law, improves its effectiveness, constitutes China’s new contributions to implement treaty obligations in good faith, resolves peacefully international trade disputes, and maintains substantively the international rule of law. At the same time, it has not only caused new driving forces for international trading system, but also made China face new challenges in the WTO.  相似文献   

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Advances in neuroscience should be subject to a robust public dialogue that includes attention to the legal and human rights issues raised by both research and its applications.  相似文献   

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For more than a half‐century, as the cornerstone of federal broadcasting and telecommunications policy, the public interest standard has always been subject to some debate. Questions have regularly been raised about its meaning and the extent of the authority it implies for regulation, particularly in the deregulatory environment of the 1980s and 1990s. Part I of this study demonstrated how a deep reading of the pre‐broadcasting state and federal regulatory history reveals that interpretations of the public interest standard that have emphasized broad, diverse, public service programming have entailed a misunderstanding of its real, underlying meaning. This part of the study shows how another definition—i.e., that the public would be best served by protecting economic viability and technological advancement for private industry broadcasters—developed as the predominant doctrine before adoption of the Radio Act of 1927 and Communications Act of 1934, and how that theme came to be the applied interpretation of the public interest during the first two decades of broadcast regulation.  相似文献   

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There is a body of literature, including persuasive empirical evidence, linking the use of positive humour in tertiary classrooms with the creation of a relaxed learning environment, student motivation, attendance and engagement as well as positive student evaluations of teacher performance. However, the literature on the use of humour in teaching law is generally limited to anecdotal evidence. Drawing on the literature on using humour in teaching courses that students perceive as “difficult” in other disciplines, in this article we explore the benefits and pitfalls of using humour in the law classroom and provide illustrations of how humour might be used appropriately and effectively in teaching law.  相似文献   

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Crime, Law and Social Change - On 20 February 2020, the Supreme People’s Court, the Supreme People’s Procuratorate and the China Coast Guard jointly issued the Notice on Issues...  相似文献   

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Contrary to common expectations and a good deal of legal folk wisdom, several surveys have failed to find group differences in the way people attribute responsibility and assign punishments. These nonfinding, suggest that there is a considerable degree of consensus about how to judge wrongdoing. The nature of this consensus is examined using survey data collected in two Japanese and one American cities. We examine the extent of group differences in the evaluation of inputs (here a set of hypothetical vignettes), decision rules, and punishments. The paper concludes with a discussion of the conceptual, theoretical, and methodological issues raised by these and similar findings of small group differences. Collectively, these three issues define, an agenda for future research on the nature and extent of a common law of responsibility.This is a revised version of a paper presented at the 1986 meeting of the Law and Society Association. The research was supported by seed funds from the Social Science Research Council and from the University of Michigan and by N.S.F. grant No. SOC 77-242918. Japanese data were gathered and analyzed with support from the Nihon Gakujutsu Shinkokai and Mombusho to the Japanese investigators: Yoko Hosoi, Zensuke Ishimura, Nozomu Matsubara, Haruo Nishimura, Nobuho Tomita, and Kazuhiko Tokoro. They have recently published a book on the project. (Ishimura et al., 1986).  相似文献   

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The 1990s brought about a change in the international law of foreign investment due to the primacy achieved by the tenets of neo-liberalism. They drove concerns about the environment and poverty away from the concerns of the law and gave priority to the interests of multinational corporations by enhancing their ability for movement of assets and the absolute protection of these assets through treaty rules. The regime created by this law was operated through secure systems of dispute settlement through arbitration which also enabled the stabilization of these rules. In the process, private power of a section within the hegemonic state was able to subvert international law through the use of low order sources of the law and secure a system of investment promotion and protection. The restoration of the more universal themes of environmental protection and poverty alleviation is necessary. This paper outlines the developments that accentuated the sectional interests of multinational capital and explores the means by which a change that reflects the global interests could be effected.
M. SornarajahEmail:
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As information and communication technologies have gradually invaded every aspect of our daily lives, the body of law that we call IT law has not only expanded, but it also pushes traditional areas of law to become more tech-savvy. This article makes a plea for a more intra- and interdisciplinary approach towards developing the future IT law, on the one hand, and towards educating the future IT lawyer, on the other hand. It substantiates the need for lawyers from different fields and non-lawyers to engage in a constructive dialogue when determining, interpreting and enforcing fairness standards in contemporary and future IT law, and outlines directions for integrating such dialogue in university curricula.  相似文献   

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The empirical sentencing literature has focused intensively on racial equity concerns, but this research added to the literature by analyzing political-contextual sources of punishment. This study developed a functional model of court decision making and used ordinal logit to assess court punishment decisions in 387 counties across seven states. The findings supported established assumptions about individual level punishment determinants, but showed that political environment indicators also predicted sentence severity. Interactions were present as well. In law and order environments Black defendants received enhanced sentences, but in jurisdictions with the largest Black populations, Black defendants faced reduced punishments. With individual and state level effects held constant, the findings from this research reinforced claims that punishment is intensely political.  相似文献   

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Major differences developed between English and Australian psychiatric injury law from about 1990 onwards, particularly in "secondary victim" cases. The House of Lords endorsed the traditional restrictions of aftermath, direct perception and sudden shock, whereas the High Court of Australia adopted a more enlightened approach which relied chiefly on foreseeability of psychiatric injury. In the last five years, there are indications that the gap has narrowed a little. The English courts, first in medical negligence cases but then more generally, have shown that they are now prepared to interpret the aftermath requirement more creatively. In Australia, by contrast, the codification of the law on "mental harm" has narrowed the law in certain respects, and there is scope for further restriction in the process of statutory interpretation. This analysis assesses the significance of these developments and attempts to sum up the present position.  相似文献   

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