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The ‘politics of productivity’, an attempt to raise levels of industrial productivity in Europe by transcending class conflict and creating a consensus in society for economic growth, was a prominent element in Marshall Plan thinking. It constituted a central focus of the European Recovery Program's labour programme administered by American trade union officials who staffed the Marshall Plan's Labor Division. This programme was initially supported by the American Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), until hostility to collective bargaining in the local business community, combined with the unwillingness of senior Marshall Plan administrators to insist on collective bargaining as the price of receiving American assistance, blighted the project. This contribution contrasts the CIO's initial support for the productivity programme with the American Federation of Labour's (AFL) more direct strategy of combating communism at the level of organization and propaganda. It concludes by describing how the competing claims of these two American labour organizations for US government funding became a significant factor in American labour's conduct of Cold War politics.  相似文献   

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During the debt crisis of the 1980s, new democratic governments in Argentina and Brazil experimented with heterodox approaches to economic stabilization, whereas Mexico's dominant party regime adopted a far more orthodox line of adjustment. None of these approaches had led to a sustained recovery by the end of the decade. Difference in policy choices are attributable to goals and beliefs of top decisionmaking officials and to the way the institutional features of their respective political regimes structured time horizons and vulnerability to domestic distributive pressures. Converging economic outcomes are attributable to underlying structural problems that cut across these distinctions: political constraints on the management of fiscal deficits, and international power asymmetries impeding significant reductions in the external debt burden.  相似文献   

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This study considers judicial policy‐making in Great Britain by noting the peculiarly British institutional restraints on judicial action of parliamentary sovereignty, the resulting subordination of all courts to the legislative branch and the absence of a codified charter of rights or constitution. Though there is no judicial power to annul legislative or executive actions, British courts and judges still play a small, but significant, role in policy‐making through the common law and, in particular, through judicial review of adminstrative actions. A written bill of rights would likely draw courts further into the the political arena and politicise the appointment of judges.  相似文献   

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The first part of this article looks at the reasons why nationalisation featured in the 1981 French Socialist programme, and concludes that while in the abstract it was an issue that encouraged left‐wing unity, the Socialists and the Communists expected very different things from it. The second and third parts look at the implementation of the policy, stressing the continuity with which the Socialists', rather than the Communists', aims have been pursued.  相似文献   

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Abstract.  In its recent 'deliberative' turn, democratic theory has forgotten a conventional wisdom, once widely appreciated, that there is much in politics that is better not discussed. In this article, the author catalogues what topics might be deemed 'politically undiscussable', and why, as a first step toward showing how and to what extent talking about such matters might help or hinder their resolution. One important way discussion helps is by information-pooling to establish the truth of the matter. Even where that is not a viable aspiration, discussion might nonetheless serve a 'premise-revealing' function, showing one another that we are reasonable agents and thus helping to desensitize contentious issues.  相似文献   

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The judiciary in Belgium is an independent branch of government and has succeeded in maintaining its independence against many odds. Not being bound by any particular method of inter‐pretion and able to control to a certain extent the machinery of government, the judges have been, whenever needed, cautiously innovative. The public is certainly not hostile, as far as such innovations are concerned. Constitutional law, morals, human rights and particularly economic law have been the areas in which judges have been most willing or compelled to take creative steps. Because these individual decisions are drafted as applications of existing general principles and statutes and largely reflect the prevailing views of society, very little criticism has been voiced about this hidden and cautious legal activism.  相似文献   

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随着传统单位体制的渐行瓦解,城市社区(商品化住宅小区)成为基层公共生活与公共治理的聚焦点所在。面对多元主体构成的复杂的小区政治生态关系网络与力场关系,协商民主强调多元主体以公共利益与公共责任为联结纽带,以合作与共识为目标导向,强调多元主体间通过对话、商谈,有序参与社区(小区)公共生活,从而实现彼此间的包容、妥协与话语立场间的转换,这为当下复杂的城市社区(小区)治理提供了一种新的模式。  相似文献   

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