转型时期我国政府与社会关系的变迁

政府与社会的关系,是指政府与各种社会组织、社会团体以及普通社会成员之间的关系。政府与社会的关系状态决定了政府角色的基本特征。一般来说,在计划经济条件下,国家与社会是一体化的,政府是万能的、权力是无限的;而在市场经济条件下,国家与社会是二元化的结构,政府的能力和作用是有限的,政府与社会的关系表现为“小政府大社会”。     

政府购买服务视角下的政社关系再审视——基于A市“市级社会建设专项资金”（2013-2016）的实证研究

政府向社会组织购买服务作为近年来政府职能转变的重要举措与突出亮点,不仅体现了社会治理方式的创新,更在深层意义上反映了政府与社会关系格局的动态变化。基于2013-2016年A市政府使用“市级社会建设专项资金”购买社会组织服务的短面板数据,对政府购买服务视角下的政社关系重新进行了审视。实证结果表明,包括替代型关系与合作型关系在内的两类理论假设都得到了经验数据的部分支持,在功能替代、功能吸纳以及功能嵌入等不同机制的共同作用下,现阶段中国的政社关系表现为一种兼有替代与合作的复合形态。在对未来政社关系的展望上,认为政社关系的理想状态应当是在双向赋权和利益共容的基础上走向共生,但目前尚无充分理由认为政社关系已实现了从替代到共生的演化。     

论宪政约束下的电子政府模式

随着数字技术、信息技术和网络技术的发展,电子政府正在成为一场政府改革运动.本文认为,电子政府建设使信息控制权成为影响宪政结构的权力因素,同时对公民也提出了更高的素质要求,影响了公民权利平等;要使电子政府服务于宪政,服从于宪政对国家权力的安排和公民平等的基本原则,就需要对信息控制权进行宪政规划,对政府的边界进行改造,这在我国电子政府建设初期,尤其重要.     

Government Transfers and the Samaritan's Dilemma in the Family

This paper examines the effectiveness of government transfersin overcoming the Samaritan's dilemma in a family in which thechild saves an insufficient amount in order to induce largerbequests from the parent. The results are as follows. First,exogenous government transfers do not affect intergenerationalconsumption allocation if bequests are operative. Second,assuming that government transfers are chosen strategically,the government precommits to such a level of transfers fromthe parent to the child that bequests become inoperative, andthus rids the child of the incentive for undersaving. Thisengenders an efficient intertemporal allocation ofconsumption.     

西方政府绩效评价研究的最新进展

提高政府绩效始终是公共管理的目标之一。绩效评价作为一种重要的管理工具和手段,由于新公共管理运动的兴起而被引入到政府管理当中,并且成为政府再造的重要内容和重要举措。近年来,西方学者对此的研究主要集中于政府绩效评价的方法、政府绩效评价的内外部环境及政府绩效评价的效应等方面,此外还出现了一些新的研究视角。公共部门借鉴了私人部门的绩效评价方法,但这也使它面临着某种质疑和批判。政府绩效评价的内外部环境,对政府的绩效水平有着很大的影响,因此对其进行研究,可以促进政府绩效评价的实施和执行,最终提高政府绩效评价的效应。主要从以上各个方面,对西方绩效评价研究的最新文献进行回顾与梳理,以期对我国政府绩效评价的理论和实践提供有益的启示。     

Revisiting the ideological congruence controversy

One of the limits of previous studies using respondents’ self‐placements and subjective party placements to examine levels of citizen‐government congruence is that they were limited to the post‐1995 period. This article extends the number of elections where it is possible to examine levels of citizen‐government ideological congruence with a survey‐based approach. In particular, a unique dataset has been collected that combines data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and several national election studies. The results confirm recent studies that show that levels of citizen‐government ideological congruence are similar under majoritarian and proportional representation (PR) systems. Such studies, however, did not provide evidence that congruence is maintained over the course of a government's mandate. This article introduces, therefore, two measures of citizen‐government congruence that address this issue and that may revive the debate about which electoral systems strengthen the citizen‐government connection: citizen‐government congruence at the end of government mandates and change in congruence between elections. The results indicate that governments stay closer to the median citizens between elections under PR systems than under majoritarian systems. It is found, however, that this decrease in congruence in majoritarian systems is not detrimental to the point of observing smaller levels of congruence at the end of government mandates under majoritarian systems than under PR systems.     

Parties and institutions: empirical evidence on veto players and the growth of government

Does the effective number of veto players in a political system explain the rate of government growth? Panel data analyses are conducted in order to test several measures of veto players against each other, and these results are compared with similar analyses of government fractionalization. The analyses indicate that veto players and especially government fractionalization exert a constraining effect on changes in the size of government, but also that the effect is not consistent over time: neither veto players in general nor fractionalization of government in particular exerted any constraining effect during the decades of rapid government growth due to welfare state creation and expansion in the 1960s and 1970s. The strength of government fractionalization vis-a-vis the veto player measures in explaining changes in the size of government suggest that the constellation of partisan veto players within coalition governments matters, while the effect of institutional veto players remains uncertain.     

Does the median voter model explain the size of government?: Evidence from the states

Despite an attempt by its own authors, it is difficult to argue that the influential model of the size of government developed by Meltzer and Richard (1981) has had convincing empirical backing. In this paper, we adapt that model to a model of state government size. The main testable hypothesis is that as income inequality grows, government size (as measured by the percentage of income devoted to government redistribution) grows. We test the model using panel data from the US states from 1979–1991. In contrast to the results found by Meltzer and Richard (1983), we find little evidence to support the model. The results are robust to several model specifications and estimation techniques.     

Short versus Long Coalitions: Electoral Accountability and the Size of the Public Sector

This article examines the policy consequences of the number of parties in government. We argue that parties externalize costs not borne by their support groups. Larger parties thus internalize more costs than small parties because they represent more groups. This argument implies that the public sector should be larger the more parties there are in the government coalition. We test this prediction using yearly time-series cross-sectional data from 1970 to 1998 in 17 European countries. We find that increasing the number of parties in government increases the fraction of GDP accounted for by government spending by close to half a percentage point, or more than one billion current dollars in the typical year. We find little support for the alternative claim that the number of legislative parties affects the size of the public sector, except via the number of parties in government .     

地方政府信用影响因素及影响机理研究——基于116个县级行政区域的调查

信任危机是最深刻的危机,如何提升政府信用水平,重塑政府公信力是政府和学术界面临的共同问题。在对信用与信任两个概念进行严格区分,并对政府信用内涵进行清晰界定之后,根据以往研究成果,文章提出了公务员素质、政府能力、制度环境及信用文化对地方政府信用影响的四个假设,进而构建了地方政府信用影响机理的概念模型。在对我国116个县级行政区域问卷调查的基础上,运用回归分析和路径分析等方法首次定量考察了公务员素质、政府能力、制度环境及信用文化四个变量对作为公共主体的地方政府的信用水平的影响强度、影响路径。结果表明,制度环境对地方政府信用的影响最强,影响路径最为复杂。信用文化、政府能力、公务员素质对政府信用的影响依次减弱,且公务员素质只能通过政府能力间接影响政府信用。因此,在信用政府建设过程中,需要重点优化地方制度环境并加强信用文化建设,同时也要积极提高政府能力和公务员队伍素质。     

加强政府信用建设的思考

政府信用是信用的基础和源头,政府信用是社会信用体系建设的关键,因此,政府信用的提高对于提升个人信用和社会信用具有十分重要的意义。要提高政府信用,必须重视政府的信用意识,依照诚信原则,做到依法行政,言出有据、言而有信。同时,要进一步转变政府职能,树立服务意识,规范政府行为。本文旨在对政府信用缺失原因的分析,探析如何改善政府与民众之间的信任关系,提高政府信用水平。     

顺应市场经济需要 转变政府职能

顺应市场经济需要,转变政府职能已成为政府机构改革的紧迫任务。本文论述了转变政府职能是市场经济的客观要求,市场经济条件下政府职能转变的重点,提出了绵阳市转变政府职能应把握的基本原则及初步设想。     

Politics of E‐Government: E‐Government and the Political Control of Bureaucracy

This case study reports an innovative e‐government experiment by a local government in Seoul, South Korea—Gangnam‐gu. A new local political leadership in Gangnam made strategic use of e‐government applications to exert greater political control over the local civil service bureaucracy. The authors find that e‐government applications possess political properties that can be applied effectively by the political leadership as instruments to improve control over the government bureaucracy as well as to enhance essential government accountability and transparency. The political circumstances underlying e‐government development as well as its impact on local government are reported, along with key variables associated with this innovation and directions for future research.     

Analyzing Greens in power: Setting the agenda

Abstract.  What are the key questions that political scientists investigating Green parties in government have to address? What are the possible contributions of a variety of theories and approaches to the explanation of the Green governmental experience, in a cross-national context? The international experience with Green party governmental participation is reviewed, followed by a discussion of past work and future challenges to explain Green parties' entry into government, their performance in government, the impact of government on them, and the conditions for their survival in or exit from government.     

Left on the Shelf: Local Government and the Australian Constitution

When the Australian Constitution was first written, those framing it did not include specific reference to local government. The authors have examined the federation conventions, papers and formal discussions of the 1890s and noted the little prominence given to the case for including local government in the Australian Constitution. It appears that the leaders of the federation movement did not deliberately exclude local government; rather, there was little pressure to include local agendas and concerns, and few were willing to champion the case for the inclusion of local government.     

试论职业安全保障中的政府行为

职业安全保障中的政府行为具有妥当性。就内容而言,职业安全保障中的政府行为有抽象和具体之分且各有其构成。我国职业安全保障中政府行为存在一定问题,亟待解决。     

Trust in government increased during the Covid-19 pandemic in Australia and New Zealand

Using an online panel, we surveyed a representative sample of 500 each in Australia and New Zealand during July 2020, in the middle of the Covid-19 pandemic. We find trust in government has increased dramatically, with around 80% of respondents agreeing government was generally trustworthy. Around three quarters agreed management of the pandemic had increased their trust in government. Over 85% of respondents have confidence that public health scientists work in the public interest. Testing four hypotheses, we find that income and education predict trust in government and confidence in public health scientists, as does voting for the political party in government. Trust in government and confidence in public health scientists strongly predict Covid-19 phone application use, largely through convincing people the App is beneficial. Trust in government then is both an outcome and antecedent of government effectiveness. Building trust is important for governments implementing difficult policy responses during a crisis.     

Party competition and citizens' political attitudes in the American states

Democratic theorists argue that vigorous competition between candidates/parties is essential for democracy to flourish because it engages citizens' political interest and ultimately makes elected officials more accountable to their constituents. Using data on citizens' perceptions of government responsiveness to their political opinions from the American National Election Studies and the Ranney measure of party competition for control of state government, we examine the effects of competition on citizens' political attitudes from 1952 to 2008. Our analysis reveals that citizens feel government is more responsive to them when there is greater competition between the two parties for control of government in their state. However, this relationship is confined only to citizens who identify with the party that controls government in their state. We also find that the relationship between competition and efficacy is strongest among citizens with lower levels of education and income. These results suggest that vigorous competition for control of state government can have important implications for citizens' political attitudes.     

An examination of the causal relationship between government spending and revenue: A cointegration analysis

This paper tests the validity of the proposition that there is a causal relationship between government expenditure and government revenue for Greece over the period 1957–1993. The empirical analysis employs tests of cointegration as pre-tests for Granger tests of causality. The empirical evidence suggests that there is a long-run relationship between government spending and government revenue and expenditures cause revenues.     

Social Capital and the Dynamics of Trust in Government

It is well understood that trust in government responds to the performance of the president, Congress, and the economy. Despite improved government performance, however, trust has never returned to the levels witnessed in the 1950s and 1960s. Social capital may be the force that has kept trust low. If so, we need to assess the relative contributions of both government performance and social capital at the macro level. Using macrolevel data, the analysis, here, is designed to capture the variation over time in both social capital and government performance and let them compete to explain the macro variation in trust. The empirical results demonstrate that both government performance and social capital matter, but that social capital appears to be the force which accounts for the decline in trust over the last 40 years.