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付音  于国红 《学理论》2010,(3):33-34
通常情况下,国家秘密与商业秘密界限明显,对它们分别适用不同的法律来调整;特殊情况下,国家秘密与商业秘密存在兼容,对该类秘密信息的管理保护需要遵循特殊原则。  相似文献   

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Dickey C  Soloway C 《Newsweek》2002,140(24):40-43
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McDowell  Bruce D. 《Publius》1988,18(3):97-112
On 24 February 1988, the National Council on Public Works Improvementsubmitted its final report on the nation's public works to thepresident and the Congress. The report concluded that America'sinfrastructure is not in ruins, as charged by the landmark bookentitled America in Ruins. The report did say, however, thatthe nation's infrastructure is only barely adequate and gettingworse. The council urged the nation to reverse course and givegreater attention to infrastructure renewal and expansion. Inthe council's view, federalism will be a major factor in thesuccess of the needed turnaround. Such change will require sharedresponsibilities involving the federal, state, and local governmentsplus the private sector. Significant changes in the relationshipsamong these actors have made the 1980s a decade of transition,diminishing federal influence on infrastructure issues.  相似文献   

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Safety on America's highways has long been an important statepolicy issue, but since the 1960s Congress has used incentivegrants, crossover sanctions that threaten to withhold federalhighway funds, and diversionary sanctions that force statesto use highway funds for safety purposes as a means of compellingstates to adopt traffic safety policies. In an effort to promotepublic health, Congress has, at times, pushed states to adoptlower speed limits, mandatory motorcycle helmet laws, occupantprotection laws, and laws designed to deter impaired driving.This article examines which fiscal tools have been effectivein getting states to adopt traffic safety policies, how stateshave responded to changes in federal priorities on public healthgoals, and the implications of these policy efforts for publichealth.  相似文献   

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By a small majority, Latin Americans are disposed toward preferring democracy over other forms of government, and for now almost all leaders in the region hold office from elections not military coups. Still, most Latin Americans quite correctly do not believe democracy has generally served their interests, that is, produced the jobs, houses, food, justice, and opportunities more and more people tell pollsters they want for themselves and their families. Personal observations and many studies, by the United Nations, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, and others, confirm Latin America's unequaled inequalities and in many respects virtual economic stagnation as far as most people are concerned. The problem is not mainly bad individual leaders or foreign predators, as is often charged, but incompetent governance generally and the inability or refusal of Latins themselves to match their desires with the protracted effort needed to achieve their aspirations. Institutions and paternalistic thinking that go back for centuries persist in adapted forms and today are not only not producing for the majority but dragging Latin America farther and farther behind more successfully reforming countries, particularly in Asia. Latins have it in their power to change things, if they will.  相似文献   

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蒋曼  史琼 《学理论》2013,(21):41-42
罗荣渠在《美国在东亚的全球战略与对华政策》一书中,对美国20世纪30年代至新中国成立这段时间对华政策进行了详细的论述,将美国对华政策分为美国绥靖政策放任日本侵华、对日宣战防止日本强大、扶持蒋介石政府防止中国加入共产主义阵营三个阶段,在对这三个阶段分析过程中得出美国对华政策的核心是追求本国利益,由于意识形态的不同,中国在经济发展过程中,应该处理好中美关系,以史为鉴,在合作中对立,在对立中合作,做到中美关系的和谐发展。  相似文献   

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The Republican takeover of Congress suggests that the payer-driven forces of managed care, capitated payment, and the regional networks (alliances) will serve as centerpieces to improve the organization, financing, and delivery of our nation's health services. These "voluntary" alliances, frequently as an amalgamation of health providers and health insurance underwriters, often foreshadow the powerful, geographically linked regional health networks that are evolving into oligopolies. The authors anticipate, as a result, the formation of state health services commissions that will regulate market share, the scope of health services, reimbursement rates and allowable profits. State departments of public health and insurance will have their own regulatory duties. Complex relationships will result as these groups will often have conflicting, politically-charged goals.  相似文献   

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This research measures the boundaries of the “permanent campaign” practiced by spokespeople for the United States government. Scholars have accused modern White House communications staff of conducting a permanent campaign by prioritizing presidential public opinion ratings over good governance. However, researchers have not previously measured whether this campaign is conducted exclusively from the White House, or if government agencies are also involved—dramatically increasing the potential scale and scope of the campaign. The researcher conducted a rare set of interviews with public affairs officers who worked for the Treasury Department during the administrations of Presidents Obama and George W. Bush to find out whether they utilize public opinion ratings in their work and whether they attempt to play to the emotions, rather than the reason, of the American people. This study finds that the Treasury is not conducting a permanent campaign. The results demonstrate that the campaign is not practiced in a cabinet agency critical to presidential political fortunes and reelection prospects, suggesting that it is likely confined to the White House.  相似文献   

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