加入WTO后我国外资银行监管立法的思考

本文从加入WTO后我国在外资银行监管立法方面存在的主要问题出发,对我国外资银行监管立法提出应选择东道国与母国共同监管的原则;市场准入方面,应采取中国作为东道国与投资母国双重认同的制度;应立法解决目前外资银行的"超国民待遇"与"欠国民待遇"问题;在外资银行风险管理方面,应加强国际合作,并对外资银行的贷款投向作出政策性指导或必要的限制等立法建议。     

对我国外资银行监管的理性思考

我国银行业对外开放已走过了近三十年的历程,外资银行已成为我国金融体系的重要组成部分.2001年我国加入WTO后,金融业对外开放又迈进了一个新的阶段;2008年经济危机的爆发,银行特别是外资银行该怎样运作,国家应该怎样对外资银行实施更有效的监管,不得不引起人们的思考.     

我国监护制度的缺陷及其立法完善

文章通过对我国现行监护制度存在的主要缺陷的分析,提出了几点建议:变更体例,将监护制度置于未来民法亲属编中;明确监护人的资格,设立专门的监护组织;设立监护监督人,在人民法院内设立监护权力机构;完善监护终止的内容。     

论我国缺陷产品召回制度的立法完善

保障产品质量和保护消费者权益是市场经济发展的内在要求,要达到这一要求,就必须学习和引进国外缺陷产品召回制度。然而我国缺陷产品召回制度存在的立法层次低、缺乏可操作性以及召回对象单一等问题必须解决,建议通过制定《缺陷产品召回法》并细化现有规定,从而使上述问题得到解决,最终能对我国产品召回制度的完善发挥一定作用。     

我国规范性文件备案审查地方立法的若干缺陷及其完善

全国31个省级人民政府均已通过地方立法建立了规范性文件备案审查制度.这些立法存在诸多缺陷,必须进一步予以完善:一是缺乏完整、统一、合理的审查程序;二是备案审查程序缺乏刚性的期限规定或周期过长;三是审查标准不够完备、不便操作或过于简单;四是有关自行纠正建议和处理决定的规定不够具体、明确;五是未妥善处理好与行政复议一并审查制度以及地方各级人大常委会备案审查制度的衔接关系.     

论刑事赔偿制度的缺陷与完善

刑事赔偿制度是解决刑事赔偿纠纷及刑事司法侵权受害人实现刑事赔偿请求权的依据和保障.刑事赔偿程序不仅仅是国家刑事赔偿责任的实现过程,更是受害人所受损害得以救济的过程.     

论盗窃罪量刑规范化的缺陷与完善

盗窃犯罪是比较常见和多发的一种犯罪,社会在不断向前发展,盗窃行为的复杂性也在不断地发展并不断地深化,从而使得盗窃罪原有的量刑标准已经不能再适应当前的社会发展形势。尤其是《刑法修正案(八)》中对于盗窃罪内容的修改,使得《量刑指导意见》在量刑规定方面显示出了明显的缺陷。依据《量刑指导意见》对于盗窃罪量刑的具体规定,在已有的理论和实践研究成果的基础上,对盗窃罪量刑进行科学的完善。     

中国缺陷汽车召回立法与实践检视

中国缺陷汽车召回立法是整个消费者权益保护法体系的组成部分,但实践调查反映出其在消费者权益保护方面的不足：监管部门的主动性以及消费者的投诉机制不够完善;消费者的知情权保障过于单薄、僵化;与汽车缺陷、召回相关的费用补偿被弱化。因此,在强化监管权力的同时,也应当突出消费者权益在召回中的实现机制,包括提高监管部门对投诉信息的掌控能力、增加投诉方式、扩充消费者知情权、完善费用补偿请求权等。     

浅析农村成人教育制度的缺陷与完善

新农村建设最终是要把农村的经济搞上去，而农村经济的发展必须是一个循序渐进的过程，即必须先解决农村人口的问题，农民的意识如何提高，完全归结于农村教育制度。农村成人教育面临进程缓慢、教育质量不高、未来规划不合理等缺陷，如何提高农村整体知识结构值得深思。     

浅谈我国离婚损害赔偿制度的缺陷与完善

离婚损害赔偿制度是指配偶一方基于另一方的过错行为对自己作为配偶享有的合法权益造成的侵害,而导致婚姻关系无法存续,得以要求对方赔偿其财产性和非财产性损失的民事法律制度。在我国,确立离婚损害赔偿制度的目的是为了弥补受害方所遭受的损失,既包括物质上的损失,也包括心理和精神方面的损失。通过对离婚损害赔偿制度的现状、缺陷及完善措施等方面的研究,旨在对我国离婚损害赔偿制度的完善起到一定的推动作用,从而更好地保护受害方的合法权益。     

我国公用事业价格管制:缺陷与完善

与国外比较成熟的公用事业定价方法相比,我国的公用事业价格管制存在诸多缺陷:定价规则难以反映真实的经济成本,价格管制未能与质量管制相结合,价外加价现象严重,法律之间存在冲突现象,定调价过程中的监督机制不够完善.针对我国公用事业价格管制方面存在的缺陷,需采取的措施是:建立科学的定价规则,将价格管制与质量管制相结合,严格禁止价外加价行为,完善价格听证制度,对公用事业价格管制进行专门立法.     

刍议如何建立长效的执法监督制约机制

在新的形势下 ,公安机关必须使权力过于集中、监督制约机制薄弱、执法者特权思想严重等问题得到有效改善。为此 ,必须从思想基础、制度保障、方式方法、根本措施等方面建立长效的执法监督机制     

县域监察体制改革的策略及其效能提升

县域监察体制改革通过优化政治生态、提升腐败治理水平、推动公共权力规范运行等举措提升县域治理水平,进而成为整个国家政治发展战略的重要支撑。服从中央主导的政治策略、解决现实问题的切入策略和刚柔并济的行动策略,是县域监察体制改革的三大实践策略。这三大策略的主要目标导向在于引导权力规范运行、提升腐败治理效能、促进县域良善治理。从其整体性的目标期待看,当前县域监察体制改革仍需从提升改革的适应性、协同性和持久性等方面着手,以拓展发展空间。     

论我国行政监察体制的改进

1993年纪检与监察合署办公后，确立了行政监察新体制。这种体制既有优点，也有缺点。对现行行政监察体制之改进，应在对现状进行实事求是分析的基础上。从外部、内部及运行机锏三个方面着力进行。     

State Constitutional Limits on Legislative Procedure: Legislative Compliance and Judicial Enforcement

Most state constitutions contain detailed restrictions on thelegislative process. Violations of some of these restrictions(e.g., single-subject requirements) are reflected on the faceof a final enactment. Other violations (e.g., alteration ofa bill to change its original purpose) are not evident in thefinal enactment, but require investigation of the legislativeprocess. State courts have developed a variety of approachesto these second types of violations, from excluding all evidencebeyond the enactment to permitting any evidence of constitutionalviolations. The Pennsylvania Abortion Control Act was passedin apparent violation of both types of constitutional restrictions.The legislative debates reflected legislators' attitudes aboutsuch restrictions, but the Pennsylvania courts refuse to enforcethem. After surveying other judicial approaches, the articlediscusses the legislative and executive obligation to followconstitutional restrictions, regardless of judicial enforcement.The article then advocates increased judicial enforcement, whilemaintaining proper deference to the legislature.     

Competency Costs in Foreign Affairs: Presidential Performance in International Conflicts and Domestic Legislative Success, 1953–2001

Numerous prominent theories have relied on the concept of “audience costs” as a central causal mechanism in their arguments about international conflict, but scholars have had greater difficulty in demonstrating the efficacy and even the existence of such costs outside the bounds of game theory and the political psychology laboratory. We suggest that the audience costs argument focuses too narrowly on the likelihood that leaders will be removed from office by domestic constituencies for failing to make good on threats. Instead, we argue that scholars should ground these arguments on Alastair Smith's ( 1998 ) broader concept of “competency costs.” Our analysis of presidential legislative success from 1953 to 2001 demonstrates the existence of foreign policy competency costs by showing that public disapproval of presidential handling of militarized interstate disputes has a significant and substantial negative impact on the president's ability to move legislation on domestic issues through Congress.     

Nonpartisan Legislative Budget Offices: A Tentative Step toward Improving Legislative Oversight

Strengthening the budgetary powers of legislatures through nonpartisan budget offices adds to the capacity‐building repertoire of development donors. Budget offices are supposed to provide legislatures with information and analysis independent from the executive. The United States Agency for International Development believes that strengthening the legislature's power of the purse improves governance. We highlight USAID‐funded legislative strengthening projects implemented in Jordan, Kenya, Morocco, and Afghanistan to show how these budget offices function. There is a significant potential for these units to assist members of parliament in understanding the budget process, the broad fiscal challenges facing government, and expenditure control and budgetary trade‐offs that affect present and future spending. These cases demonstrate the challenges of creating and sustaining a parliamentary budget office. Finally, in an effort to make budget offices effective and sustainable, we outline several key steps that we believe are important both for donors and the legislative bodies.     

Metropolitan Governance: Voter Support and State Legislative Prospects

With increased public attention to the problems in both centralcities and suburban areas, the feasibility of metropolitan governanceis being considered again. Myron Orfield's work on regionalcooperation in Minneapolis-St. Paul has suggested that statelegislative action can be used to achieve that outcome. However,state legislators are unlikely to promote regional policiesunless they have some evidence their constituents support them.This article uses election data from California propositionsto test the connection that Orfield asserts between demographiccomposition of an area and voter support for regional issues.The data suggest several shortcomings of his model, includingthat race or ethnicity and the diversity of an area substantiallyaffect the outcome in ways he did not consider.