从幕末改革到明治维新:连续性与变异性的互动

1854年-1867年,日本幕府接连推行安政、文久、庆应等三次改革。改革的基本内容为协调幕府与天皇朝廷、诸藩大名之间的关系,建立近代陆海军、引进和制造欧美式的枪炮舰船、开办欧式军事学校、培养欧美式外交和军事人才,力图摆脱落后,走向世界。1868年明治政府成立后,武力推翻幕府,建立中央集权体制,开展了更大规模的近代化改革,日本决定性地走上资本主义道路。不难看出,明治维新近代化基本国策,源自开港后的幕末改革,反映了历史进程中的连续性。但是,在改革总纲、对待不平等条约的态度和建立中央集权体制等方面,明治维新又不同于幕末改革,体现了历史进程的变异性。其原因,在于倒幕运动与维新运动存在着国际背景、近代化进程和人脉机缘上的历史逻辑。     

韩国企业经营体制论析

韩国企业经营体制是一种独特的"所有·经营型体制",表现为所有权高度集中,所有权与经营权高度统一,决策结构高度中央集权,经营权传承采取世袭制等.这种经营体制表现在企业集团组织的结构上,形成了独特的由支配股东及其家族直接控制的金字塔式多层次结构.本文论述了韩国企业所有·经营型经营体制的特点、利弊、形成原因及其发展趋势.     

法国政府财权的运行特征及其对我国的启示

政府财权主要是指政府各种收入的立法权、征管权及其收入支配权。在西方发达国家中,法国是中央集权国家,其财政的运行与我国有类似的政治环境。研究法国政府财权的运行特征,有利于我国合理借鉴法国的有益经验,有利于我国建立规范的公共财政管理体系。一、法国政府财权运行的主要特征法国政府财权运行的特征主要体现在注重发挥财政的综合作用、中央集权型的财政预算体制、严密的财政预算执行和监控体制、完善的法律体系等方面。1、注重发挥财政的综合作用法国财政预算不仅仅只起到解决公共管理人员的吃饭问题和提供公共产品的作用,而是在国有…     

商品经济的发展与日本近世身份制度的动摇

近世日本通过政治强制建立起来的身份制度以保障武士、领主和德川幕府的利益为根本旨归,而商品经济的发展却导致了武士的贫困化和豪农豪商的崛起,这种经济实力的逆转使近世日本的身份制度走向动摇,武士的优位因缺少经济力量的支撑而难以得到保障,下级武士在经济利益和思想意识上与豪农豪商日益一致,并在幕末民族危机的历史背景下结成联盟,成为推翻德川幕府的重要力量。     

江户时代武士阶层身份认同感的灌输——从仪式到教育

江户时代是日本历史上身份等级制度极为森严的时代,武士阶层与其他阶层被有意识地加以区分。然而,阶层认同感并非与生俱来的,为了培养与强化武家子女的阶层意识,江户幕府利用幼年时期的"成长仪式"和少年时期的"教育",无孔不入地展开灌输阶层意识的洗脑工作。武士阶层是江户幕府统治的基础,统治者凭借高明的手段,培养出了大批有着根深蒂固身份意识、自觉维护统治秩序的武士,使得日本在其统治下迎来了二百余年的和平稳定。     

江户中期荻生徂徕的“抑商”政策论——以武士消费问题为视角的考察

荻生徂徕是日本江户时代提出"抑商"思想的代表学者,他提出"武士归农""等级消费"等政策构想的目的之一,是使武士阶级摆脱都市经济的泥潭。然而从武士消费的视野进行重新审视,他在"抑商"政策的实际叙述中,对商品的生产与交换仍予以了一定程度上的包容。他提出这种"特殊的抑商"主张,在将传统经济教条进行局部调整的同时,也为后来重商思想的萌芽提供了一些理论上的空间。     

我观朝鲜经济

90年代以来,朝鲜经济陷入了长期难以摆脱的困境.近年来,为摆脱贫困朝鲜采取了"以朝鲜式的社会主义体制为基础,以发展科学技术为手段,以建设强盛大国为目标,实施五大优先部门产业正常化,培育IT产业实现跳跃式发展和朝鲜式变化"等经济恢复战略.然而收效甚微.这是其经济发展路线、中央集权的计划经济体制、三元化的经济结构造成的,而经济改革却没有触及这些实质性问题.改革开放是朝鲜走出经济困境的惟一选择,这种改革开放只能是分阶段的、渐进式的.     

两德统一的教训和代价

一、两种制度竞赛结果的教训 第二次世界大战后,东西方之间的铁幕落下,德国分裂成两个国家。西方占领区于1949年5月23日成立了德意志联邦共和国,苏占区则于1949年10月7日宣布建立德意志民主共和国。在不同的环境和条件下,两个德国分别走上了不同的发展道路。 长期以来,民主德国坚持中央集权的计划经济,并取得了在这种体制下所能取得的最大成就。民主德国98％以上的经济活动纳入国家计划之内,其经济发展水平和居民生活水平在实行计划经济的社会主义国家中最高。 民德把国民经济计划作为经济管理的核心,在不断完善以联合企业为中心环节的集中型计划管理体制的基础上,通过技术进步和提高劳动生产率来推动国民经济的发展,并取得了可观的成绩。一般认为,中央集权的计划体制只适用于经济粗放发展的阶段,而民主德国却     

联盟体制的内在矛盾与苏联民族分离主义运动

1、苏维埃社会主义联邦制:列宁处理民族问题在国家体制方面的一个阶段性的成果苏联联盟体制是俄国十月革命胜利的历史产物。它的产生既是当时苏俄和周边苏维埃政权抗击内外武装干涉的直接需要,也是苏维埃国家创始人对多民族国家国家体制极有价值的探索。十月革命以前的一段时期,列宁依据他对资本主义发展过程在民族问题上的两个趋势的研究,从无产阶级只有在广阔的地域内才能广泛地开展反对资产阶级斗争的根本利益出发,十分赞同建立那种打破民族隔阂、促进经济生活统一的中央集权制大国。认为它是资本主义向     

改革是民德经济发展的必由之路

民主德国是社会主义国家中少数几个坚持中央计划经济体制的国家之一,98%以上的经济活动包含在国家计划内。而且也是搞中央集权体制而取得比较明显效益的唯一国家。在当前苏东大多数国家陷入经济困境的情况下,民德的经济形势甚至可以说一枝独秀了。     

The Significance of the Meiji Restoration

The year 2018 marks the end of the 260-year rule by the Tokugawa Shogunate and the start of a new government headed by the Emperor. The term “Meiji Restoration” is often used narrowly to refer to the political events of 1868, which is why the 150th anniversary is observed this year. More generally, however, the term often refers to the series of changes that occurred after the new government was established, including Japan’s opening to the world, abolition of feudal domains and the samurai class, establishment of the modern Cabinet system in 1885, and proclamation of the Meiji Constitution in 1889 and the opening of the Parliament in 1890. In this article, the author uses the term in this broader sense.     

最早的武士家训《北条重时家训》——以作者及其思想受容为中心

武士家训是了解武士道的内含、武士生活及其思想的重要史料。一般认为日本现存最早的武士家训是北条重时所作的《六波罗殿御家训》与《极乐寺殿御消息》，即《北条重时家训》。但是从内容来看，《六波罗殿御家训》的作者很可能并非北条重时，而是北条泰时为长子北条时氏所作。此家训的内容受到佛教三世思想的影响，还体现了儒家的“礼治”思想。《极乐寺殿御消息》的内容可以看作神、佛、儒、道思想的综合体，包含了武士道最初的意义内涵及精神实质，为后世的各种武士道体系提供了理论基础。     

(Un?)Healthy Politics: The Political Determinants of Subnational Health Systems in Brazil

How does political competition shape institutions that govern the expansion of social policy subnationally? Brazilian states have shown a surprising variation in the design of their public health institutions, which regulate the distribution of health resources and citizen access to public health care. While many states have experienced fragmentation, some have remained highly centralized and discretionary, and only a select few have established a coordinated system based on power sharing and rules‐based distribution. Accounts that link public health care expansion to federal government imposition, the presence of the public health care movement, and leftist parties cannot fully explain this variation. Instead, in the three Brazilian states examined here, the nature of subnational political competition triggered different institution‐building strategies. The findings indicate that plural political competition yielded incentives for limiting state‐level discretion and for sharing power with municipal governments, while political concentration reinforced the attraction to centralized and discretionary policymaking.     

Coercive capacity,land reform and political order in Afghanistan

This article compares four historical periods in Afghanistan to better understand whether land reform in the post-2001 context will improve prospects for political order. Its central finding is that political order can be established without land reform provided that the state is able to establish and maintain coercive capacity. However, the cost of establishing political order mainly through coercion is very low levels of economic development. We also find that when land reform was implemented in periods of weak or declining coercive capacity, political disorder resulted from grievances unrelated to land issues. In addition, land reforms implemented in the context of highly centralized political institutions increased property insecurity. This suggests the importance of investing in coercive capacity alongside land reform in the current context but also that establishing inclusive political institutions prior to land reform will increase its chances of success.     

Development as recolonization: the political ecology of the Endosulphan disaster in Kasargod,India

This paper examines the Endosulphan pesticide disaster in Kasargod, Kerala, India. The paper argues that the pesticide disaster was the culmination of an agrarian modernization project implemented in the region by the state-owned Plantation Corporation of Kerala (PCK). An exploration of the political ecology of the disaster shows the recolonization of residents and nature by PCK through neocolonial forms of centralized and exclusionary spatial and resource control mechanisms. In this context, the paper questions the glorification of the “Kerala model” of development from the standpoints of environmental justice and resource rights, relying on the lived experiences of the people of Kasargod.     

Explaining the Rise of Class Politics in Venezuela

The sudden rise to power of leftist former coup leader Hugo Chávez and the subsequent politicisation of social class raises a number of interesting questions about the sources of class politics and political change in Venezuela. Using nationally representative survey data over time, this article considers different explanations for the rise of class politics. It argues that explanations for the politicisation of class can best be understood in terms of 'top-down' approaches that emphasise the role of political agency in reshaping and re-crafting political identities, rather than more 'bottom-up' factors that emphasise the demands that originate within the electorate. The economic crises during the 1990s undermined support for the existing parties, but it did not create a politically salient class-based response. Rather, it created the electoral space that facilitated new actors to enter the political stage and articulate new issue dimensions.     

日本政治中的“世袭”现象及潜规则

日本在明治维新后废除了身份制度,贵族制度也随之消失。但封建时代的许多旧俗仍然不可避免地残存下来,并在现代日本的政治生活中发挥着不可小视的影响。其中,“世袭议员”现象就是最为典型的政治文化遗产,折射出日本政治中某些传统的潜规则。日本政坛长期以来存在的“家族世袭”现象,在某种意义上对过去几十年日本的经济发展和政治稳定都起到了积极作用。但同时,“世袭”现象也使日本政坛的关系过于复杂化,权钱交易丑闻时有发生,增加了政治和经济改革的难度。日本大选使得民主党和自民党在这一问题上展开了激烈的斗争。“世袭议员”制度的政治传统面临着改革的压力,然而日本民族文化深远的影响力同样不容忽视。关注2009年日本大选背景下日本有关“世袭议员”现象的争论,从制度成因变化的角度分析日本政治的传统与变革之争,并尝试对“世袭议员”现象的前景做一展望。     

The OAS and the Summit of the Americas: Coexistence,or Integration of Forces for Multilateralism?

Fifty years after the creation of the OAS, political power is not centralized in that organization but variously diffused throughout the interamerican system. Meanwhile, the Summit of the Americas process has slowly acquired its own institutionality outside the OAS, and is sometimes perceived as challenging the primacy of the ideal of the OAS as the principal institution of interamerican relations. Even with its own weaknesses, the Summit of the Americas has become the most important force for reform of the OAS. As the hemisphere prepares for the third full summit in Quebec, this essay assesses the relationship of these two institutions and their future prospects.     

A Reconsideration of the Political Significance of Shared Responsibility Agreements

The 1996–2007 Howard Coalition government introduced Shared Responsibility Agreements in 2005 to allocate discretionary funding to indigenous communities in a “mutually responsible” way. The policy was widely criticized as an ineffective and ideologically driven “showpiece”. Its significant governance‐building dimensions went without comment. Through the deployment of the conceptual tools of contract and governance, SRAs established new and depoliticised relationships between government and indigenous peoples, replacing the centralized political structure of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission. The future of the policy under the Rudd Government is uncertain, but understanding the impacts and implications of SRAs remains important.     

民族主义、国内政治权力结构变迁与南海争端国对华对冲差异

在国际体系变迁的背景下,东南亚三个主要的南海争端国越南、菲律宾和马来西亚普遍采用对华对冲战略以应对中国崛起带来的不确定性。但是,三国的对华对冲差异何以存在仍是个尚需进一步澄清的理论问题。在政治结构具有较高自主性的情况下,民族主义诉求强度以及国内政治权力结构变迁是影响三国对华对冲差异的主要因素,导致三国分别实施了对抗、均衡与合作三种不同类型的对冲。二者通过执政者的合法化战略影响对冲的实际演化,弱民族主义诉求推动争端国采取合作型对华对冲,但随着民族主义诉求增强且政治权力结构趋于集中化,争端国将采取均衡型对冲;在民族主义诉求增强且政治权力结构趋于分散化的情况下,争端国将采取对抗型对冲。国内政治权力结构的未来演变可能导致南海争端国实施更具对抗性的对华对冲战略,推动南海局势发生于中国不利的变化。