对中韩政府公共决策模式的制度分析

中韩两国政府公共决策模式的最大区别,源自于各自对制度理论学派当中＂人为设计制度观＂与＂自发生成制度观＂的偏执。作为选择政府主导型发展模式的后发展国家,中韩两国如要提高政府公共决策的公共性与实效性相互结合的程度和密度,需要摒弃对制度观的偏执,并在彼此借鉴的基础上,在博弈均衡制度观的统领下,进一步在制度安排的层面上完善对政府公共决策主体的监督机制。     

Asia‐Pacific economic cooperation: Progress and prospects

Secretary of Foreign Affairs Domingo L. Siazon Jr. of the Philippines discusses the Asia‐Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) forum's path to the present, and charts a map for its future. Siazon sees the importance of promoting greater private‐sector involvement in APEC and enhancing economic cooperation among member economies. Siazon discusses the special significance of this year's meetings to be held at Subic Bay in the Philippines, the former home of the US Pacific Fleet and now a growing industrial and tourism center. Pursuing APEC's free‐trade goals, he says, holds the brightest economic future for the Philippines and the region.     

The Korean economic crisis and working women

This article evaluates the impact of the 1997 Korean economic crisis on female employees. Facts on employment, labour force participation, and the changing nature of jobs (permanent/temporary) tend to support “buffer” theories of women's employment. Occupational sex segregation was reduced substantially between 1997 and 2002; nonetheless, the unexplained portion of the wage differential between men and women (a proxy for wage discrimination) increased. The crisis created setbacks for the equality of working women in Korea; however, new realities stimulated a changed strategy in the form of a union for contingent and small-firm workers among Korean women.     

The world economic pattern in the 1990s and Asia-Pacific economic cooperation

The world economic pattern of the 1990s will have many characteristics. For example: 1) the world economy will tend to move further toward multipolarization and several fairly large regional economic blocs will be formed with these polars as their center; 2) the United States, Japan, and Europe will play a dominant role in the new world economic pattern; and 3) the Asia-Pacific economies will be the most vigorous part of the world economy. Since the 1980s, with the development of the internationalization of the world economy and regional integration, Asia-Pacific economic cooperation has entered into a new period. However, it is very difficult to form a close entity of economic cooperation (such as the EC) including the whole Asia-Pacific region. Perhaps it is more practical to found a subregional economic cooperative body, such as a “Northeast Asian economic sphere,” in the near future. This article was originally prepared for a roundtable conference on “Economic Issues in the Northwest Pacific: Perspectives in a Dramatically Changing World,” held December 14–16, 1990, in Oiso, Japan. The cosponsors of the conference were Taisho Research Institute, the Japan Economic Foundation, and The American Council on Asian and Pacific Affairs.     

The viability and vulnerability of Korean economic governance

This study addresses the question of how Korean economic governance has been shaped over time. Primarily, it analyzes the four inter-related dimensions of economic governance: organizational vitality, size dispersion, managerial hierarchy, and market integrity. Although economic governance is quite viable in that the young members dominate the population of organization in numbers, the analysis of size dispersion illustrates the pattern of dominance of large-scale production units across a wide range of industries. Korean economic governance is distinctively characterized by large-scale business groups whose managerial hierarchies are highly concentrated and vertically integrated. Finally, the governance of the national economy also shows aggressive strategies of vertical integration and horizontal predation without the establishment of extensive networks of subcontracting relationships. The current economic crisis raises the question of whether Korean economic governance is viable enough to survive through or vulnerable enough to be replaced by an alternative form under the pressures of financial liberalization and domestic restructuring. An analysis of economic governance will illuminate the unique nature of Korean capitalism and further assist us in understanding the historical roots of the current economic turmoil.     

Integrating domestic politics and foreign policy making: the cases of Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan

Matters of domestic political consideration exerted a major influence on the processes of foreign policy making established and developed by the authoritarian leaderships of post-Soviet Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan. The preservation of internal authoritarian stability and the political survival of the national regimes have therefore constituted the key foreign policy ends set by decision makers in Ashgabat and Tashkent. This article unveils and discusses the interconnection between domestic politics and foreign policy making in post-Soviet Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan by looking comparatively at the dynamics through which the regimes manipulated foreign policy to consolidate their internal power. In particular, this article will analyse the crucial role played by foreign policy in the regimes' responses to perceived threats to their political stability.     

Evolution of subnational foreign economic relations in Nigeria

ABSTRACT

In the current dispensation of civilian rule in Nigeria (1999–present), her subnational governments (SNGs) have increasingly been engaging in economic activities which impact on how Nigeria conducts her international economic interactions. This emerging trend is at variance with the existing legal provisions under the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, which preclude SNGs from this policy space. This article examines the evolution of the constitutional framework for SNG involvement in Nigeria’s foreign economic relations since independence. It is the argument in this article that the exclusion of SNGs from foreign affairs under the 1999 Constitution is a departure from the original configuration at independence. It is further argued that the recent episodes of SNG involvement in international economic activities are occurring despite the constitutional restrictions owing to external factors such as globalisation and internal factors such the growing need among SNGs to find alternative ways to fund their economic development objectives.     

Problems and profitability of direct foreign investiment in China: An analysis of the survey data

By analyzing a survey in the Tianjin area, this article investigates the problems and profitability of joint ventures in China, and draws some policy implications. The authors find that there are a number of systemic constraints on the profitability of joint ventures, such as input and foreign exchange shortages, rigid labor policies, conflicts between business partners, and uneasy relations with state authorities. The article concludes that unless the investment environment is improved, China will not succeed in the competition with other developing countries in attracting the foreign capital needed for its modernization. Chung H. Lee is a professor of economics at the University of Hawaii at Manoa and research associate at the Institute for Economic Development and Policy of the East-West Center. He is also author ofThe Economic Development in Japan and Korea (Praeger 1990) andTrade and Investment in Services (Westview 1988).     

Problems of Russian economic reforms and prospects for economic cooperation between the Russian Far East and Northwest pacific countries

This article was originally prepared for a roundtable conference on “Perspectives on Economic Issues in the Northwest Pacific in a Dramatically Changing World,” held February 28–March 1, 1992, in Oiso, Japan. The cosponsors of the conference were Mitsui Marine Research Institute, the Japan Economic Foundation, and The American Council on Asian and Pacific Affairs.     

Russian defense spending after 2010: the interplay of personal,domestic, and foreign policy interests

Since 2010, Russia’s defense spending has seen an average annual real growth of 10%, causing a profound shift in the composition of government expenditure. This article examines the formal and informal processes through which Russia’s level of defense spending is determined and identifies personal, domestic, and foreign policy interests behind the rise in defense expenditures. Drawing on a combination of elite interviews and document and news analyses, I argue that domestic political and socioeconomic factors are at least as important as geopolitical and security ones in explaining Russia’s decision to push defense to the forefront of the political agenda. The findings suggest that high levels of defense spending may be politically sustainable in Russia, at least in the medium term, even though it comes at the cost of other public goods.     

浅议美国韩裔族群的同化问题

本文考察了美国韩裔移民人口数量的变化、居住的模式以及其经济和职业调整过程,并在此基础上,分析了美国韩裔移民高度的种族认同和相对低水平的同化情况,试图较全面地刻画出美国韩裔移民的特征。     

Showtime for Southeast Asia: An economic and political crossroads

In the ASEAN region, booming exports and imports, and rapidly rising per capita incomes, have brought new challenges to trade policy. ASEAN is promoting its own “free trade area”; the United States backs the much wider and all-inclusive APEC format; and Malaysia urges a “caucus” restricted ethnically and racially to East Asians. The result is a genuine trade debate, along lines familiar in the already-industrialized nations. If ASEAN follows genuine openness there are considerable opportunities, but if it takes the timeworn paths of protectionism, restrictions on investment, and excessive sensitivity to fears of “foreign manipulation,” the future is liable to be less bright.     

An obsessed task: Prospects, models, and impact of Korean reunification

Conclusion Korean reunification is unlikely to be achieved in the foreseeable future; any policy that rests on assumptions that North Korea will collapse easily or imminently is dangerous. Precedents found in the international experience of divided nations suggest that systems with conflicting ideologies cannot be merged peacefully into a lasting unitary governmental structure. In the case of Korea, unification by absorption on the basis of two ideological systems as part of a unitary governmental structure. The impact of Korean unification on the regional structure of international relations will be mixed and uncertain, but the achievement of Korean reunification need not affect the stability of the region in any significant way. When the time for unification is ripe, the four powers will have no choice but to accept such a process regardless of their own anxieties and adjust to the new situation pragmatically without regard to narrowly selfish interests.