Party Platforms with Endogenous Party Membership

This paper proposes and analyzes a model of how the behaviorof voters and that of potential party activists togetherdetermine party membership and the ideological characteristicsof party platforms. Membership decisions are based onexpressive motivations, whereas platforms are chosenstrategically. Part of the ideological spectrum may remainoutside both parties because of alienation or indifference.     

Party Sub-Brands and American Party Factions

Scholars and pundits have long noted the dominance of the American two-party system, but we know relatively little about new, endogenous institutions that have emerged within the two major parties. I argue that ideological factions provide party sub-brands, which allow legislators to more precisely define their partisan type and capture faction-specific resources. To support this claim, I analyze new data on nine ideological factions in the House of Representatives (1995–2018). I find that (1) faction voting is distinct, suggesting a product ripe for party sub-branding, and (2) joining a faction changes the ideological composition of a candidate's donor base—conditional on the strength of the faction's institutions. Party sub-branding is effective only when factions possess organizational features that induce coordinated and disciplined position taking (e.g., whips, PACs, membership restrictions). These results suggest that, even within highly polarized parties, American political ideology is more than a dichotomous choice, and factions target niche markets of political donors as a means of blunting financial instruments of party power.     

欧洲议会党团:一种特殊的政党组织

新世纪以来,为研究“共产党的执政规律”,有关政党问题的论著相继问世,其中不少论著涉及西欧政党问题。但能够既系统又简要且具学术性地反映出政党发源地——西欧国家冷战后政党基本状况的论著并不多见。本组笔谈力图达到这个目的。     

中国共产党党校工作条例

第一章总则 第一条为适应中国特色社会主义事业发展的要求,进一步完善中国共产党党校教育体系,推进党校工作的科学化、规范化、制度化,根据<中国共产党章程>、<中华人民共和国公务员法>和有关法律法规,结合党校工作实际,制定本条例.     

The Feminisation of the Conservative Parliamentary Party: Party Members' Attitudes

Under David Cameron's leadership reforms have been made to the Conservative party's parliamentary selection procedures and distinct women's policy initiatives have been developed. This article, based on focus group data with party members, explores attitudes towards measures designed to recruit more women Conservative MPs. Broadly, we find that, despite widespread support for the principle of greater social diversity among PPCs, members are uncomfortable with the specific measures that have been introduced. This is largely on the grounds that anything approaching 'positive discrimination' should be eschewed in favour of the 'meritocratic' selection of candidates. Further, the members tend to resent central party 'interference' in what has traditionally been the domain of local Constituency Associations.     

People, Place and Party: Describing Party Activism

The aim of this article is to present a structure for the historical study of party activism. Based on research carried out on the activities of the Social Democratic Federation (SDF) between 1884 and 1911, the article puts forward the case that current understandings of that organisation should be reassessed to include the notion of the 'political journeys' of the activists. Instead of focusing exclusively on ideology, the article suggests that other poles or features such as locality and collective biography should be used. If the organisation is viewed from a wider perspective and with a longer exposure time, then, this article argues, a clearer picture presents itself.     

延安时期提高党员党性修养的实践路径

延安时期是中国共产党历史上的特殊时期,党在这一时期进行了局部执政的实践,党建工作获得丰硕成果,其中提高党员党性修养效果显著。主要措施有:加强学习,通过多种载体、多种形式和各种严格的规定,以增强党员的理论修养;结合实践,通过民主生活会、自我反省、群众监督,以提高党员的思想道德修养;完善制度,通过健全民主集中制、完善规章制度和监督体系,以提升党员的组织纪律修养。党员党性修养的提高,保障了党员队伍的先进性和纯洁性,为中国革命的胜利打下了坚实的基础。     

中国共产党与社会民主党建党思想的区别

中国共产党第十六次全国代表大会在坚持马克思主义建党思想的基础上,与时俱进,开拓创新,对党的理论纲领、入党条件、组织制度和发展战略等进行了调整。有人认为,中国共产党正在社会民主党化。因此,从理论上认清中国共产党和社会民主党的根本区别是十分必要的。其实,二者在党的性质,指导思想,奋斗目标,组织原则和入党条件等方面存在着根本区别。     

From a Contingent Party System to Party System Convergence? Mapping Party System Change in Postwar Finland

The current imperative in journal articles of presenting new data and new 'theory' has largely been at the expense of new interpretations and 'big picture' analyses. This article proceeds from the failure of the comparative politics literature, from Sartori to Evans and Green-Pedersen, to grasp the essential dynamics of the Cold War Finnish party system and the curious absence of Finnish studies of the significant legislative party system change occurring thereafter. Following a critique of Green-Pedersen's notion of 'party system implosion' as applied to Finland, the article depicts a shift from the contingent party system of the Cold War era, when exogenous veto players formed institutional barriers to office-seeking parties, to the present convergent party system where most, if not all parties compete for, and converge on, the centre ground and cooperate interchangeably in governing coalitions without significant deviations in the main lines of public policy.     

党建教育及其内在规律——中国共产党党建教育初探

党建教育是从执政党建设实践中逐步衍生出的一个新概念,是中国共产党与中国社会发展相互适应过程中逐步完善并形成的具有当代中国特色的教育现象。本文旨在分析党建教育教学的构成要素及内涵,展示党建教育与社会发展相互适应和相互塑造的共生关系,探讨党建教育实践的内在规律,增强党建教育的实效性。     

Party as linkage

Nomination: Costs and benefits of party membership reconsidered by Wolfgang C. Müller, p.169
Reflections: Party as linkage by Richard S. Katz, p171     

王羲之开Party

日前参加朋友的一个生日Party,席间有朋友问我:古人是如何开Party的?我说:中国古人的Party,虽受当时条件的限制显得原始古朴,但大多比现代人的Party更有文化内涵,尤其是古代文人的Party,相当于现在作家、书画家的各类"笔会".其中最风光的一次Party,无疑是由东晋大书法家王羲之"做东",在会稽山阴兰亭举行的"曲水流觞"大Party,并为后世留下著名的<兰亭集序>.     

Party as Linkage

Abstract Until recent years, two major trends in European politics-the growth of State services and increased political participation-have complemented the central role of parties. This paper argues that this complementarity may have started to come unstuck, and questions the future viability of the mass party as a result of a shift in the balance of perceived advantages of the mass party by both leaders and members. The paper discusses several potential costs and benefits of party membership for leaders and members. Using membership statistics and survey data the reasonableness of these arguments is explored.     

严明党的纪律是全面从严治党的关键

严明党的纪律,是对中国共产党历史经验的深刻总结,是当前我们党解决各种错综复杂的矛盾、顺利推进全面建成小康社会的迫切需要,是全面深化改革、全面依法治国的重要保障,更是全面从严治党的关键环节。严明党的纪律与全面从严治党相辅相成、相互蕴涵:一是严明党的纪律是马克思主义政党的优良传统,是从严治党的历史演绎;二是严明党的纪律是保持党的先进性和纯洁性的根本要求,是从严治党的生动体现;三是严明党的纪律是维护党的高度集中统一的必然要求,是从严治党的力量之源;四是严明党的纪律是惩治腐败的治本之策,是从严治党的具体实践。全面从严治党必须把纪律挺在前面,以严明党的纪律严肃党内政治生活,净化政治生态,确保全面从严治党落地生根。     

Equilibrium Party Government

In this article, I present an equilibrium model of party government within a two-party legislature. The theory is predicated upon members of the majority party having potentially conflicting individual and collective interests. In response to this potential conflict, the members of the majority party endogenously choose a degree of control to grant to their leadership. The equilibrium level of party strength is decreasing in the size of the majority party and increasing in the strength of opposition among members of the minority party. The theory implies that the average performance of W-Nominate estimates of majority party members' ideal points will be a decreasing function of the size of the majority party while the performance of these estimates for members of the minority party will not be affected by the size of the majority party. Using data from the U.S. House and Senate between 1866 and 2004, the theory's predictions are largely consistent with roll-call voting in both chambers.     

The Parliamentary Party

The Conservative parliamentary party will fulfill three important functions for any incoming Conservative government: it will be the focus of attention for the national media; it will be the bulk vote that will deliver its legislative programme; it will form the talent pool from which members of any incoming government will be recruited. A majority Conservative government could see a majority of its MPs newly elected, with more Conservative women and ethnic minority MPs than ever before (although there will be little change in the socio-economic background of their MPs). These new MPs will present problems in terms of party management, although they will be less likely to rebel than longer-serving MPs. There are also relatively few signs of discontent among incumbent Conservative MPs (the article identifies the most rebellious Conservative MPs). Any new Conservative government will also have to deal with a reformed House of Lords, in which it will no longer have a majority.