我国专利权质权立法模式之检讨

通过比较两大法系国家有关专利权质权的立法模式,分析其中的利与弊,在此基础上对我国专利权的质权立法模式进行了检讨,指出我国应该学习和借鉴大陆法系国家的立法经验,在未来的民法典中对专利权质权予以肯定,并作出一般性规定,而把具体的制度设计交给《专利法》去完成,以更好地促进我国社会经济生活的发展。     

论小公司立法规制的三种模式

进入21世纪以来,一些西方发达国家纷纷大幅度调整了公司立法,其共同特点是增强了对小公司发展的促进措施。公司法在处理小公司问题上有三种不同的模式．即特殊的公司形式、公司的替代形式以及采取“小公司优先”原则。其中”小公司优先”原则又可以采取不同的实现方式。     

商事代理立法模式的比较与选择

与民事代理的补充性、临时性不同,商事代理具有主导性、经常性,特别由于营业行为的复杂性、职业性以及商法人、商合伙组织在商事活动中的主导地位,使营业行为无不以商事代理行为的某种具体形态表现出来,商事代理行为可以说贯穿商主体营业活动的每一个环节.有学者认为商事买卖是商法的骨干,商事代理是商法的肢体.[1]商事代理行为所具有的这种必要性、主导性和经常性特点,使其在整个商事制度中具有不可替代的价值,因而完善商事代理制度十分必要.     

我国刑事证据立法模式之选择

我国的证据立法必须达到四个目标 :内容上是良法 ;形式上简洁、统一 ;实施过程富有效率 ;实施结果得到普遍遵守。通过分析上述目标的实现途径和考察国外的证据立法模式 ,我国应当采取通过修改刑事诉讼法典 ,充实完善刑事证据制度的立法模式。     

Politics of Constituency Representation and Legislative Ambition under the Glare of Camera Lights

The introduction of legislative television as a transparency initiative has been welcomed in an increasing number of democracies. The impact of television cameras on parliamentary behavior, however, has received scant attention in systems where personal vote-earning attributes are thought to be of little importance (e.g., closed-list proportional representation). Additionally, studies examining this relationship relied exclusively on over-time variation in legislative behavior (i.e., before and after the introduction of television into parliament), which arguably has important deficiencies in demonstrating the true effect of legislative television. Capitalizing on a unique quasi-experimental setting, the present study aims to close these gaps in the literature by analyzing parliamentary activities in Turkey, where the legislative television was restricted to 3 days per week (Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday) in 2011 after almost two decades of continuous 7-day operation. Results based on original data sets of parliamentary activities from the pre- and postreform periods (2009–11 and 2011–13) indicate that the varying presence of television cameras exacerbated the effect of electoral and reputation-building motivations on parliamentary behavior, encouraging electorally unsafe and junior MPs to shift their constituency focus to the televised proceedings. The results offer important implications for the study of legislative transparency and constituency representation in party-list proportional representation systems.     

Legislative Recruitment and Models of Party Organisation: Evidence from Australia

This paper considers the relationship between the growing dominance of career politicians in the Australian federal legislature and models of party organisation. Using data on MPs in the Australian federal parliament, this study maps changes in models of party organisation to the occupational profiles of MPs between 1949 and 2007. The findings show a correspondence between the phenomenon of cartelisation and the appearance of legislators whose previous occupation was in the political sphere. The authors suggest that there is a relationship between different modes of party organisation and both the supply of candidates and the demand-side factors influencing party selectors. The paper concludes that theories of recruitment should include a greater emphasis on models of party organisation to explain better the uniformity of recruitment outcomes across advanced democracies.     

Legislative Effectiveness and Legislative Careers

We studied an underutilized source of data on legislative effectiveness and exploited its panel structure to uncover several interesting patterns. We found that effectiveness rises sharply with tenure, at least for the first few terms, even when we control for legislators' institutional positions, party affiliation, and other factors. Effectiveness never declines with tenure, even out to nine terms. The increase in effectiveness is not simply due to electoral attrition and selective retirement, but to learning‐by‐doing. We also found evidence that a significant amount of “positive sorting” occurs in the legislature, with highly talented legislators moving more quickly into positions of responsibility and power. Finally, effectiveness has a positive impact on incumbents' electoral success and on the probability of legislators moving to higher office. These findings have important implications for arguments about term limits, the incumbency advantage, and seniority rule.     

Invisible Politics: Institutional Incentives and Legislative Alignments in the Russian Duma, 1996–99

Previous analysis of legislative voting has focused on the behavior of nominal legislative parties, regardless of whether the country under examination was an established democracy or a newly democratized country. This approach is inadequate for countries with young party systems. To establish the extent to which legislative coalitions are party based, scholars must allow for the possibility that institutional incentives predominate over party influence. For this study, I applied a Bayesian discrete latent variable method to identify the legislative coalitions in the 1996‐99 Duma. I found that legislative alignments cut across party lines: electoral incentives and support for the president contribute to divides within parties that lack coherent platforms. Here I present a novel methodological approach to the identification of intraparty divisions and the major determinants of legislative coalitions in many legislative settings. This approach allows a comparison of the importance of party influence relative to other institutional incentives. It is especially useful for analyzing legislative voting in young party systems and where constitutional frameworks and electoral systems subject legislators to competing pressures.     

立法权去中心化与立法模式转变

立法权本应属于人民全体,只是交由代议机关行使,但是立法权的所有与行使的分离使其有被滥用的可能,由此导致立法权在行使时出现趋中心化:立法权绝对化、非理性化、将立法权而不是公民作为立法过程的核心。因此,应着力实现立法权的去中心化,实现立法权行使范围和方式的变革。立法模式应该实现由单一政府立法到政府立法与社会立法相结合的转变,更多地发挥公众、社会团体和专家的实质性作用。     

Politics and the Adoption of Legislative Television: An Analysis of the U.S. House Vote on C-SPAN

The present study extends the work of Crain and Goff (1988) by examining the political determinants of the earliest decision to adopt legislative television on a permanent basis at the national level in the United States. Data on legislator and district characteristics are used to explain the 1977 vote to adopt C-SPAN coverage of proceedings in the U.S. House of Representatives. Logit regression results suggest that length of service and extremity of political views/ideologies had clear and significant effects on politicians' votes concerning the adoption of legislative television. As with Crain and Goff (1988), these measures capture some element of legislator self-interest.     

危险驾驶罪的立法理念与立法完善探讨

刑法修正案（八）首次将＂醉驾＂、＂飙车＂行为以危险驾驶罪入刑。鉴于民众甚至司法人员对该罪的认识上和操作中均存在不少亟待澄清和回应的问题,诸如该罪立法理念上与刑法谦抑性是否存在着矛盾和冲突？如何认识和处理该罪中＂罪过倒挂＂问题？如何理解和适用该罪的追诉时效问题？如何看待和处理该罪的行为方式过窄的问题？通过对以上诸问题进行阐释进而提出了完善相关立法的构想及其路径。     

抵御外来物种入侵:我国立法模式的合理选择——基于国际社会与外国法律规制模式的比较分析

通过法律规制外来物种入侵是各国防治外来物种入侵采取的重要手段之一。目前国际社会倡导和各国立法主要确立了“法律+国家防治战略”的法律规制模式,既包括确立预防、早期监测和快速反应、控制管理评估等基本的法律制度,也包括以国家防治战略形式体现的灵活性对策措施。此外各国还建立了对外来物种入侵实施统一管理的行政体制。我国应当借鉴国外通过法律规制外来物种入侵的成功经验,尽快制定外来物种入侵防治法律并构建统一的防治外来物种入侵的管理体制。