Polish Democracy in Transition?

The roots of the current weaknesses in Poland's democratic process reach back not only to the era of socialism, but also to the first years of systemic reforms. The policy choices and the style of governance at such time of unprecedented revival of social activity were bound to have a long-term impact on the development of the political process, including the democratisation of society and of the political system. In the light of this, I argue that the authoritarian, exclusive and undemocratic style of politics of the first years of reforms squandered social trust and undermined the potential which this democratic revival represented, and that it damaged the prospects for building sound democratic foundations for the Polish political order in the nearer future.     

对政府的另一种理解--迈克尔·奥克肖特的道德诉求观

奥克肖特认为 ,政治是对政府的反思 ,每一种政府体制和政府职能的理论都有自己的道德信仰 ,所以 ,资本主义国家的主权政府和社会主义国家的全权政府分别是对个体道德和集体主义的回应 ,但集体主义的政府和自由是对立的。     

失地农民的思想政治教育问题探究

我国城镇化飞速发展,由此产生大量因拆迁征地而失去土地的农民,也随之产生了大量社会矛盾,给农村思想政治教育和社会稳定带来了新问题,新挑战。以往的农村思想政治教育由于缺乏针对性,不能很好地适应城镇化新形势下农村思想政治教育的需要,使其失去应有的效力。本文旨在通过对失地农民这一群体在拆迁前后的思想态势的阶段性分析,探寻一条加强失地农民思想政治教育的新路径。     

我国农民工工会的合法性研究

运用合法性理论探讨农民工工会具有重要意义,具有合法性的农民工工会才能有效运行.而工具理性与价值理性的统一是合法性的基础,由于我国农民工工会的建立主要采用策略途径与文化途径两种模式,使其工具理性和价值理性分疏而无法有效运行.所以农民工工会必须整合工具理性与价值理性.     

Polish Labour Migrants and Undeclared Work in Norway

This article identifies how labour migrants’ participation in undeclared work is triggered by a combination of voluntary exit from the formal labour market in the host country as well as structures that makes it more likely for this type of worker to be forced to accept unregistered work. The argument is built by examining how East‐West European Union migration can foster or reinforce reasons for participating in undeclared work. At the EU level, the issue of undeclared work is seen as a mounting challenge, and public discussion now associates a supposed increase in undeclared work with the EU's open borders. For this study, 74 semi‐structured interviews were conducted with Polish labour migrants in Norway – both temporary migrants and more settled ones. A substantial part of these interviews focused on undeclared work. The results indicate that immigration enhances as well as creates new reasons for participating in undeclared work. In particular, they highlight how decisions to participate in undeclared work are not just an effect of labour market dynamics, but also a question of social integration.     

现行农地产权制度下的农民土地权益

现行农地产权制度自上世纪80年代中期实施以来,曾一度极大调动了农民的生产积极性,有力推动了我国农村经济快速发展。但是,由于前期思想与理论准备不足,其本身存在的缺陷近些年日益显现。尤其是土地所有权制度方面的诸多漏洞,导致了农民无论作为个人还是集体都无法享有法律在名义上赋予的农地所有权,从而在土地使用权、收益权和转让权等各方面受到种种侵犯,最终造成农民的普遍贫困。要改变这种现状,必须大胆改革现行农地产权制度。     

Means of support,fertility, and social reproduction among peasants: three approaches

This article examines interpretations regarding the relationship between means of support and fertility, taking into account views on social reproduction among peasants, with emphasis on the way they are expressed in terms of indicators. The author begins with a brief summary of theories put forth by Malthus, and then examines Neo-Malthusian models which use as an independent variable, the amount of land and as a dependent variable, the number of children. He notes the existence of a positive ratio between these variables, and then demonstrates that in Chayanov's model, the number of children is used as an independent variable, while the idea of a positive ratio with the amount of land is still maintained. He compares these assumptions with those of Palerm, who suggests the existence of an inverse ratio between the amount of land available and fertility; this leads to policy implications contrary to those arising from neo-Malthusian models. The paper ends with a discussion of assumptions about the rationality, motivations, and guiding values the different approaches attribute to economic and demographic behavior among peasants.     

The Polish Crisis and Myrdal's Model of Circular Causation

After analysing the structural nature of the Polish crisis, Myrdal's model of economic underdevelopment as due to a self-reinforcing rather than self-correcting social process is applied to Poland. Poland's cumulative backwardness is a permanent rather than a transient feature of her economic, administrative and political life and affects the mass public as well as the leaders and middle-rank officials. Many of those who seek reforms do not support the political system, while many who support the political system do not favour reform. The predicament of how to break the vicious circle of self-perpetuating backwardness poses intractable problems for the reformers.     

论"信、达、雅"的历史发展轨迹

本文就信达雅翻译标准提出的历史渊源及其历史发展的轨迹进行了初步探讨。从历史角度,回顾了近百年来中国在翻译标准问题上所取得的成果,通过纵向的比较、动态的研究,发掘了信达雅之说的学术内涵,从而验证了信达雅是最具有影响力的翻译原则和标准。     

论中国农民非制度性政治参与的原因

当前我国农民为了维护自身利益,常常诉求于非制度性政治参与,以进入国家政治生活,从而影响党和政府的决策,这种政治参与深刻地影响着我国农村乃至整个社会的稳定。因此,对我国农民的非制度性政治参与的原因进行科学分析,具有重要的意义。     

失地农民的利益保障:农村和谐社会构建的切入点

政府的不断征地过程就是政府与农民之间利益博弈的过程。政府为了非公共利益目的征地造成大量土地征而不用,破坏了人与自然的和谐,使得农民最根本的物质保障———土地大量缺失。同时,由于征地制度存在的缺陷以及城乡二元分割结构的存在,失地农民的基本社会权益得不到有效的保障。因此,一方面,政府要以公利性作为自身的本质属性,摆正自己的公益人的角色,不能把征地作为手段,以自身利益和寻租作为最终目的;另一方面,政府作为制度创新的主体,必须针对征地中存在的问题,进行制度上安排和创新,化解政府与农民之间的矛盾,维护好失地农民的利益。     

Structural Models of Voter Behavior in the 2000 Polish Presidential Election

Abstract

The data of the 2000 Polish presidential election have been analyzed according to Newman and Sheth's model of voter's choice behavior (1985). Although this model was originally interpreted within the statistical perspective of discriminant analysis, it could be also extended within the framework of structural equation methodology. Namely, if the seven cognitive domains (Issues and Policies, Emotional Feelings, Candidate Image, Current Events, Epistemic Issues, Social Imagery and Epistemic Issues) are assumed to be distinct and separate, they can be treated as independent (predictive) variables with the voter's intention as a dependent or predicted variable. The three models were tested and the resuits of path analysis show the complex pattern of mutual interdependence between the cognitive domains and voter behavior. The specificity of the cause-effect relationship obtained by the structural equation methodology presented in the paper allows us to put forward some practical suggestions regarding the way electoral campaigns should be conducted.     

Plurality support for democratic decay: the 2019 Polish parliamentary election

Abstract

The 2019 parliamentary election in Poland resulted in continuity of the incumbent PiS party-coalition. The election saw, for Poland, an unprecedented turnout of 62%. The 44% support for PiS translated into a 51% majority in the Lower House. The ability of the three opposition blocs (KO, SLD and PSL) to coordinate their political campaign for the upper chamber resulted in their victory – PiS lost the majority in the Senate. This post-2019 period thus starts as parliamentary cohabitation. The preceding four years had witnessed repeated violations of the constitution by the government (including attempts to dismantle the separation of powers and to turn public media into a partisan propaganda machine) accompanied by a general anti-liberal and anti-European stance. The electorates of the two major party-blocks have polarized in terms of their socio-demographic features. The new government does not differ much from the pre-election one, with the same PM and most ministers. The first weeks of its governing indicate that the government’s general as well as sectoral policies will be continued, including the controversial, illiberal ones. Finally, the election though free, was unfair, if for no other reason than the simple one of the partisan nature of the public media.     

History Trumps Government Unpopularity: The June 2003 Polish EU Accession Referendum

This analysis explains why Poles voted overwhelmingly to join the EU and how the 50% turnout requirement was achieved fairly easily. It argues that most Poles appeared to accept the historical significance of the referendum and de-coupled the issue of EU membership from that of confidence in an extremely unpopular government. This occurred because most key political and social actors, including the opposition parties, called for a Yes vote, while, at the same time, a vigorous campaign by pro-EU civic organisations presented a ‘non-political’ face to the campaign. Although the No camp made tactical errors and had difficulties staying focused on its main arguments, lack of both access to the public media and a convincing or attractive alternative made it extremely difficult for them to mount an effective campaign. At the same time, the stability of the opinion polls in the years leading up to the referendum suggested that most Poles had already made their minds up about the issue well in advance. In spite of the low levels of trust in political parties, partisan cues appeared to be a better predictor of referendum voting behaviour than socio-economic and demographic factors.