Gender Equality as a Closed Case: A Survey among the Members of the 2015 Danish Parliament

Despite almost unanimous adherence to the principle of gender equality in contemporary Denmark, a society with a long historical record of gender equality policies and almost 40 percent women in parliament, are there still divergences to be found among the members of parliament concerning gender equality principles and policies? This article argues that in order to identify underlying cleavages it is necessary to pose fundamental questions that go beyond the day‐to‐day disagreements on policy issues. Based on a new survey of the members of the Danish parliament, this study finds that the support for gender equality is not just a matter of lip service insofar as few MPs hold traditionalist views on women. However, the study reveals conflicting perceptions, left‐right cleavages and gender gaps, sometimes also within the parties. A new discourse is identified, supported by a large minority that includes all of the male MPs from the four right‐wing parties; this minority considers gender equality to be a ‘closed case’ – that is, as having by and large been achieved. This may provide clues to the puzzle of the stagnation in gender equality reforms in spite of the general support for ‘gender equality’. The article discusses the possible connection between the ‘closed case’ discourse, present neoliberal trends in society and the recent construction of gender equality as an ‘intrinsic Danish value’ – an argument familiar in other countries with a harsh debate over immigration.     

New Community Associations for Established Neighborhoods

From 1980 to 2000, 50 percent the new housing in the United States was located in a development project where it was subject to the governance of a private community association. The creation of a community association requires unanimous consent, which is achieved in practice by requiring home owner agreement as a condition of initial purchase in new developments. In an established neighborhood of existing homes and other properties, however, it is for practical purposes impossible at present to create a private community association. This paper proposes that state governments enact legislation to allow for retroactive creation of private community associations in established neighborhoods with a vote of less than unanimous consent. In this way, the same advantages of private neighborhood government that have proven so attractive to such large numbers of suburban homeowners in recent years could be extended as well into inner city areas.     

USA,the West and the Rest after September 11/October 7, 2001+: A Midterm Report

This article argues that if the proponents of immigration reform have it their way, the proposed guest worker program will transform American citizenship from an institution based on civic membership to one based on residence rights and socio-economic status. American citizenship, now a relatively accessible option, will become a closed-off status, unattainable for the majority of temporary workers. With this policy, the United States will create a permanently disadvantaged category of guest workers and further reduce the competitiveness of low-skilled minimum wage American workers. The concept of immigration has begun to change from an inclusive notion granting equal rights to immigrants and citizens to a more ambivalent model emphasizing obligations and responsibilities of newcomers while withholding social, political, and legal rights. Guest worker programs with limited residence will accentuate for immigrants that they must pay taxes and benefit the American economy, obey US laws and otherwise contribute to the host society which, in turn, has no reciprocal obligations toward them. This will exacerbate the already existing two-tiered system of human and social rights, creating a new feudalism in America.     

Alexis de Tocqueville and the American Character: The Problem of Reconciling Excellence and Consent

Although Tocqueville was deeply concerned about the adverseconsequences of democratic equality and the tyranny of the majority,he nonethless believed that the character of the American people-reinforcedby America's customs, laws, circumstances, constitutional heritage,and favorable geography-would help Americans to achieve a decent,liberal, constitutional polity. Culturally, however, Americanswere deficient in reconciling excellence and consent. Less friendlycritics have argued that a democracy cannot reconcile excellenceand consent. It is, however, possible to move beyond Tocqueville'squalified confidence in American democracy, and his reservationsabout the ability of Americans to reconcile excellence and consent,by arguing that there is a fundamental concord between excellenceand consent, that there is significant popular acceptance andpractice of excellence in a democracy, and that creative democraticleadership can advance excellence in a democratic society.     

Does Age Matter?

How does age influence public opinion regarding controversial social issues? The issues at stake are: attitudes toward Muslims, Jews, Affirmative Action, immigration, abortion, and gays and lesbians. While we understand the importance of including opinions toward African-Americans among these categories, we found little data on opinions toward this group by age. We also discuss opinions toward Darwin’s theory of evolution and stem cell research since they were issues that pitted science against religion in American society and were important topics of intense political discussion. The selection of issues is based on the importance of these issues in public debate and electoral politics. A number of these issues, mainly those related to opinions toward religious and racial groups, reflect the development of American society and draw lines of possible disagreements and social cleavages.     

Constitutional Reform and Continental Free Trade: A Review of Issues in Canadian Federalism in 1987

Two issues dominated the Canadian federal provincial agendain 1987: constitutional reform and trade negotiations with theUnited States. On the constitutional side, a unanimous agreement—knownas the Meech Lake Accord—was reached among First Ministers(Prime Minister and provincial premiers). On the economic side,Prime Minister Brian Mulroney and President Ronald Reagan signeda comprehensive, bilateral, free trade agreement. However, neitheragreement will take effect until endorsed or implemented bythe relevant legislatures, and one cannot take for granted thatlegislative approval will be forthcoming in either case. Whateverthe outcome, the attempt to grapple with these matters willhave a lasting impact on Canadian federalism. Both agreementsare controversial in certain regions, and while implementationwould initiate a string of systemic changes, rejection wouldengender new regional animosities. Thus, each of the two issues,taken separately, will affect institutional arrangements andterritorial (regional) relationships within Canada. The interplaybetween the two initiatives will also be significant.     

The Unanimous Voting Rule is not the Political Equivalent to Market Exchange

The unanimous voting rule is often viewed as analogous tovoluntary market exchange. This paper demonstrates that whenthird-party pecuniary effects exist, this analogy breaks downbecause unlike markets, unanimous voting requires compensationfor these effects. Thus, efficient market outcomes typically willbe rejected by the unanimous voting rule. Even when transactionscosts are low enough to make compensation feasible, the political outcome under unanimity will differ from the market outcome. The distributional effects of unanimityprovide the incentive for people to substitute rent-seekingbehavior for productive activity, and reduce the incentive forproductive change, providing additional reasons why a less-than-unanimous voting rule may be optimal when resources are to beallocated politically.     

Immigration,Globalization, and Unemployment Benefits in Developed EU States

At a time of mounting concern about how traditional welfare states will react to globalization, there has been increasing interest in specifying how global economic forces affect welfare policies in industrialized states. Building on theories from the political economy and comparative institutional literatures, we analyze the influence of an important aspect of globalization—the flow of immigration. Focusing on states in the European Union, we present a theoretical model that illustrates the interactive relationships between immigration, EU labor market integration, and domestic institutions. Our findings highlight how immigration in conjunction with domestic political institutions affects unemployment provisions, while labor market integrative forces remain in the background. The story of immigration and unemployment compensation in the EU is less about the opening of borders and the market forces of integration and more about the domestic political pressures.     

民生权适用中的核心问题研究--由排除妨害纠纷案件引发的思考

在社会发展的过程中,民生保障始终是重要的社会任务。近年来,民生权作为一项新型权利被提出后,在理论界和实务界都受到了一定关注。然而,由于民生权保护的利益并不同于具体的法律权利和宪法权利,因此当民生权作为一项具体权利在适用过程中,就会面临权利定性、权利行使范围以及义务责任主体等方面的具体问题。对于民生权的性质并不应当片面理解为一种宪法权利,更不是一项部门法上的单独权利,它的运行和落实需要通过与部门法规则的衔接来实现,对民生权的适用需要加以相应限制条件,并应明确国家是民生权当然的义务主体,法人、其他组织在有规定的情况下也会承担相应的民生权义务,而个人决不能被认定为民生权义务主体,否则就会造成民生权滥用和法律规则适用的混乱。     

Two discourses of citizenship in Germany. The difference between public debate and administrative practice

The recent policy changes concerning immigration and citizenship in Germany are interpreted as outcomes of the conflicting interaction between public deliberations and administrative practices. While these changes were viewed by both the public and the state as responses to an emerging crisis of the stability of German nationhood, the public and the state placed the problems of migration and citizenship in a different context. The public debated these issues in the context of moral obligations resulting from a xenophobic past; the administrative system treated them in the context of the constitutional imperative to further the social integration of the residents of Germany. Further conflicts over these issues seem likely in Germany which has yet to adjust to a situation of continuous future immigration. This will put pressure on the public and the state to find new solutions to the problem of membership in the nation‐state.     

Efficient allocation and unanimous consent with incomplete demand disclosures?

The following hypothesis about behavior in collective economic decisions is proposed. Individuals disclose latent demands accurately provided that doing so results in no appreciable loss of opportunity for material gain. On the foundation of this behavioral hypothesis, the following procedure is suggested. A collective good intermediary (CGI) solicits reports about latent demand schedules from a sample whose replies will not appreciably affect their own cost-shares. The CGI uses their reports to estimate the statically efficient program size and tax-shares adequate to finance it. The CGI then presents a proposal to the entire pertinent population on a this-or-nothing basis. If approved nearly uanimously, the proposal is adopted. It is concluded that if a program is worth adopting, i.e., generates a positive, aggregate net benefit, complete disclosure by all will not be needed to finance it. Most participants may, therefore, not need to estimate, even for themselves, their maximum personal benefit. The task of setting cost-shares to attain nearly unanimous consent will be easier the greater the aggregate gain from the efficient choice.     

参与式预算的公共投资效率意义——以浙江温岭市泽国镇为例

主要的论题是政府在公共预算制定过程中,通过怎样的机制实现公共投资效率的最大化.采用了规范研究与实证案例研究相结合的研究方法.研究表明,公共投资效率的涵义是公共投入为相关民众带来福利的最大改进,其规范性制度意义是相关民众就公共预算方案达成一致同意.研究指出,实现公共投资效率的核心问题是居民偏好的有效表达与偏好的集结;基于偏好表达与偏好集结的不可能性困境,在居民偏好给定的情况下,通过居民参与公共预算方案的讨论与协商,居民的偏好能够有效表达,并在协商过程中理性地、非强制地改变自己的偏好,进而就公共决策达成一致同意.浙江省温岭市泽国镇实施的参与式公共预算模式,有效解决了公共投资决策中的偏好表达与偏好集结的问题,促进了公共投资效率的实现,在基层公共预算制度改革中具有普遍意义.居民在公共预算制定过程中的协商参与,不仅使得政府公共决策具有了政治上的合法性,公共决策满足了民众需求,更重要的是促进了公共投资效率的实现.     

Bicommunalism and Canadian Constitutional Reform

The concept of bicommunalism may be invoked in order to clarifyissues relating to Quebec's place in Canada. Since 1960 theQuebec government has put forward constitutional and fiscaldemands that have implied a view of Canada as a bicommunal polityof "two majorities" (Francophone Quebec and Anglophone Canada)in contrast to a bicommunalism of majority and minority (Englishand French Canadians). Many Canadians, however, view their countryas pluralistic and multicultural rather than bicommunal. Thesediffering perceptions help explain recent constitutional controversies—notably,Quebec's rejection of the Constitution Act, 1982. In 1987 thefirst ministers (the prime minister and provincial premiers)reached a unanimous constitutional agreement, the Meech LakeAccord. The accord goes a certain distance toward meeting thetraditional constitutional demands of Quebec, but its underlyingprinciples are not bicommunalist. Perhaps the accord marks theend of bicommunalism in Canada. One cannot be sure of this,however, because (among other reasons) the accord may neverobtain the legislative support needed to bring it into force.     

A Model for Dealing with the Past in the Israeli Palestinian Context

This article explores the potential applicability of transitionaljustice ideas to the Israeli–Palestinian context. I arguethat given the particularities of the Israeli–Palestiniansetting, truth and reconciliation would be an essential componentof peacemaking even though this is an inter-societal conflictwhich will likely be resolved only through separation into twostates. Nevertheless, the interstate nature creates challengesto the application of common transitional justice mechanisms.In response to these challenges I offer a model based on anincremental process of narrow mechanisms throughout a long processof transition, rather than one high-profile all-encompassingmechanism in the post-conflict stage. I also suggest that inaddition to issues to be explored jointly by the two societies,such as refugees, prisoner release and compensation for victimsof violence, there could also be internal truth and reconciliationprocesses within each society. Finally, this model is premisedon an important role for civil society initiatives.     

Might Makes Right: War-Related Payments in Bosnia and Herzegovina

ABSTRACT

This article explores the patterns of distribution of material reparations (compensation) for victims and veterans in post-1995 Bosnia and Herzegovina. Drawing on bottom-up approaches to reparative justice and critical peacebuilding, it explains the existing material reparation schemes in Bosnia as outcomes of the post-war transition and interests of the main transitional actors. It first explores the different approaches to war-related compensation for victim and veteran groups and then demonstrates that veterans have formed powerful pressure groups, drawing on extensive political and economic resources. Their organizations have been receiving socioeconomic support in exchange for electoral endorsement and public political support. As victims are fragmented ethno-nationally, by categories, and also lack capacities, their means to leverage the authorities for change are limited, even when matched with NGO and international support. This paper argues that unless material reparation is distributed in a transparent and consistent manner, it may create additional social cleavages and tensions.     

Liberal Nationalism,Imagined Immigration and the Progressive Dilemma

The article critically evaluates liberal nationalist perspectives on immigration by drawing on findings from a qualitative research project undertaken in 2014 among White British interviewees in England. From one perspective the study's participants' attitudes seem to support arguments made by David Goodhart and other liberal nationalists regarding immigration, social trust and integration. However, further analysis suggests that these attitudes are to a very significant extent drawn first from partially imagined ideas surrounding immigration and second from potentially unreliable sources. These findings thus provoke the question of whether social trust and notions of a national community are actually being disrupted by immigration, or whether they are being disrupted by prejudiced nationalist and xenophobic perceptions about immigration and immigrants. The article will conclude by arguing for more nuanced research into attitudes towards immigration and in favour of a sceptical approach to nationalist frameworks for interpreting society and politics in Britain today.     

The Anatomy of the Finnish Power Elite

The article discusses the main results of a study of the power structure of Finnish society. The purpose of the study was to investigate whether Finland is controlled by one closed, cohesive and unanimous power elite, by several rival elites, or whether, instead, the power structure is so decentralized that there is no justification for referring to a power elite in the first place. The working hypothesis was that Finnish society is controlled by one power elite. The study was based on a positional approach, using a survey questionnaire to collect data both from members of the power elite and from the population at large. The main conclusion of the study is that, with certain reservations, it is legitimate to speak of a fairly cohesive and unanimous, single power elite in Finland. Interaction among elite groups is close, and their attitudes are similar. In terms of recruitment patterns the Finnish power elite is fairly closed: the top social stratum is clearly overrepresented and the lowest underrepresented. On the other hand, no single stratum has a dominant position in the power elite.     

转型期中国公民社会的建构探析

改革开放以来,中国开始了由计划经济向市场经济的转型,但是转型进程中,我们发现,政治国家的力量大大超越了公民社会的力量,公民社会一直被政治国家所湮没,因此,如何构建一个成熟的公民社会就成为当代中国社会转型的轴心,并将影响着中国现代化的进程与前景。本文基于当代中国公民社会现状提出：建构一个成熟的公民社会是中国社会转型的必由之路,而在当代中国公民社会的构建进程中,市场经济的建立和完善是基础,现代公司的塑造是核心,社会组织的发展是关键,宪政民主制度的确立是保障。